The near East from within

imsipm

NEAR EAST
' ' WITHIN

^ ^ ^

Peter 1. of Servia

L{j .ikUP^'dL

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO

3 1822 02624 6595

GEISEL LIBRARY

fiNjVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA, SAN OttGQ

LA JOUA. CAUFORNIA

THE NEAR EAST FROM WITHIN

The Near East
from within

BX

* * * *

With Thirteen Photogravure Illustrations

NEW YORK

FUNK AND WAGNALLS COMPANY

PREFACE

TT has so happened that many years of my hfe have been
-'- spent in the by-paths of European pohtics. At times a
silent observer, not seldom a mere cog in the great wheel,
or again, entrusted with operations of diplomatic moment,
circumstances made me acquainted with the mysteries
and under-currents of political life and of diplomatic
intrigue in many parts of the world. Latterly, things
which I did not understand seem to have become clear.
Events, the significant purport of which I did not earlier
realise, now stand out vivid and strong from the chambers
of my memory. Trifles have become invested with prime
importance.

When the war broke out it seemed my duty to remain
silent. It were of little avail to add to the bitterness and
hatred which sounded on every hand. Yet I had many
a debate with myself as to how far loyalty demanded a
veiling of matters which, once made known, would throw
into truer focus the inner history of the Balkan and allied
Eastern troubles, and their root causes, during the last
twenty years.

Rightly or wrongly, I arrived at the decision that my
greater duty was to mankind rather than to a man.

Hence these imipressions of Eastern affairs as observed
in the course of my passing from capital to capital, and as

Preface

told me by one or other of certain people who were
active in propagating the influence of their respective
Governments.

Whether I shall succeed in capturing the interest of
the reader is not for me to say. The only thing which I
can assure those who read the pages that follow is, that
whereas they perhaps may find several matters to shock
or distress, they will not come across any that are
consciously exaggerated.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

1. Sultan Abdul Hamid : His Personality and
Policy .......

2. Life in Constantinople ....

3. Sultan Mohammed V. .

4. Enver Pasha ......

5. Russian Influence in Constantinople

6. German Prestige in the Near East .

7. Ambassadors at the Sublime Porte .

8. The Sheikh-ul-Islam and Religious Fanaticism

9. Khedive Abbas Hilmi ....

10. Emperor William II. and the Tsar .

11. King Carol of Roumania ....

12. Impressions of Bucharest ....

13. The German Emperor at Konopischt

14. Servia in the 'Eighties ....

15. Alexander of Servia and Queen Draga .

16. Servia under King Peter ....

17. A Russian's Opinion .

18. Rival Influences in Greece

1

28

37

51

62

72

86

99

106

115

123

136

145

152

163

174

185

193

viii Contents

CHAPTER PAGE

19. The Failure of German Intrigue in Montenegro 201

20. Tsar Ferdinand of Bulgaria . . . .213

21. The History of a Conversion .... 222

22. The Persuading of Turkey .... 230

23. Egypt in the Balance ..... 239

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Peter I. of Servla. .

Sultan Abdul Hamid

Sultan Mohammed V.

Sultan Hussein Kemal of Egypt

Khedive Abbas Hilmi

Ferdinand I. of Roumania

Carol I. of Roumania

Prince George of Servia

Crown Prince Alexander of Servia

CONSTANTIN I. OF GrEECE .

George I. of Greece
Nicholas I. of Montenegro
Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria

Frontispiece

FACINQ PAGE
40

40
110
110
138
138
180
180
198
198
210
218

THE NEAR EAST FROM WITHIN

CHAPTER I

SULTAN ABDUL HAMID : HIS PERSONALITY AND POLICY

TN my goings to and fro among the cities of Europe
-*- it was my lot to visit Constantinople on several
occasions. The first time was in 1888, and by good
fortune I saw Abdul Hamid the very next day after my
arrival — one Friday — during his weekly visit to the
Mosque. Certain friends of mine secured for me a place
whence I could see this ceremony of the Selamlik, as the
procession of the Sultan is called.

Promptly at the arranged hour we arrived at the
little landing-place of Beshiktash, close by the mosque
of the same name. This landing-stage is quite small, but
has the advantage of being near to Yildiz Kiosk, the
home of the Sultan. We were received by a master of
ceremonies, who placed at our disposal a private room,
forming part of a guard-house. From this vantage-point
we could see the procession as it defiled past our windows
into the square which fronts the mosque.

It was a pompous sight, not devoid of quaintness,
but far less Oriental than I had been led to imagine.

2 The Near East from Within

The Sultan himself was riding a white horse harnessed
in Eastern style, but he was so surrounded by eunuchs,
guards, and high officials that I could scarcely catch a
glimpse of his impassive, dark face. As he was leaving
the mosque, however, I had better fortune. He stood
for a few minutes on its threshold, gazing at the troops
which marched before him with an earnest, severe expres-
sion in his eyes that irresistibly attracted my attention.

Abdul Hamid did not impress me as either pre-
possessing or imposing, for his figure was bent and there
was little regality in his countenance. But for all that,
his was one of those faces that cannot fail to seize upon
the imagination. There was such a sense of power, such
a conviction of an unlimited right of life and death over
those who surrounded him, that even strangers unaware
of his identity seldom mistook him for anyone else than
the Sultan.

It has often been said that Abdul Hamid was a
tyrant. I do not believe it. He lacked the backbone of
a tyrant. He could be guilty of surpassing cruelty, but
more from the continually haunting fear of assassination
than from inherent wickedness.

His early impressions had been utterly sad, and the
first years of his life — spent, as the\' had been, in semi-
imprisonment — had made him naturally distrustful of
everybody and everything.

I learned more of the Sultan's earlier history from
my circle, some of whom had spent many years in Pera.
Pera is that part of the city in which the embassies are

Among the Perotes 3

situated, and where the foreign population find habita-
tion as distinct from the native Turks, who congregate
in and about Stamboul, on the other side of the Golden
Horn. For some ethnological reason, as if Constanti-
nople were off the map of Europe, Pera is called the
European quarter — the Christian quarter would be more
correct.

In the pleasant days of my first visit, while idling in
Perean drawing-rooms, or sight-seeing in Stamboul or
Galata, or venturing across the Bosphorus to explore
Scutari, many things were told me about Abdul. My
own observation, too, on this and the only other visit I
paid to the Sublime Porte in his reign gave me added
insight into Abdul's character.

When he became Sultan he early became obsessed
with the idea that it was necessary to resort to any
measures, however questionable, to keep his throne.
Though his education had been neglected, he had con-
siderable natural intelhgence, with which he combined
a cunning such as the East alone can produce.

He was a clever politician, but he had neither patriotic
nor noble instincts. He gave one the impression that
the fate of Turkey was a matter of profound indifference
to him beside that of his own future. Abdul well knew
that the security of his throne depended on the position
his country would be able to maintain, as well as on the
measure of its development amid the various intrigues that
permeated every aspect of life in the Ottoman Empire.

Above everything else, so one w^ho for years was in

4 The Near East from Within

the confidence of the Sultan told me, he would have
preferred a quiet life in the privacy of his harem. That
he could not do so proved a source of continual dissatis-
faction and sorrow, but nevertheless it was not idle regret ;
rather, it caused him to give considerable attention to
European affairs. Events showed very clearly to those
behind the scenes how ingeniously he contrived to
arrange things in such a way that his alliance and co-
operation came to be sought after. Abdul Hamid was
clever enough to see what really lay under many of the
protestations of friendship about which he heard so much
from certain European Powers. He realised that such
attempts to approach him or to obtain his help proceeded
rather from the desire to win an advantage of some kind
than from the wish to cultivate good relations with him
or with his government.

With this feeling in his mind, Abdul adjusted his
actions accordingly, and treated any advances with a
craftiness that ended in his being distrusted by nearly
every European Power and despised by every European
Sovereign almost without exception.

At the same time, by the mere fact of his occupation
of the throne of Mahmoud II. and of the great Sulei-
man, he was one of the most important roj'^al personages
of the Continent. This factor was one apt to be lost sight
of, the more easily because there existed the feeling that
his tenancy of the throne would be short. Abdul Hamid
himself, to a high degree, shared the feeling that he was
destined to be overthrown by a palace revolution of the

Abdul, an Enigma 5

kind which had hurled his predecessors from the throne
into a prison whence they never more emerged aUve.
He knew that stabihty was the one thing which he lacked,
and so he thought he could replace it by tyranny. He
failed to realise that tyranny also breeds revolution.

To me, and probably to most other people, Abdul
Hamid was an enigma. His character was truly Oriental,
as I had reason to experience personally, and not the least
of his mannerisms was his consistent concealment of his
true thoughts. Few even among the people who saw him
daily and in whom he appeared — outwardly, at least — to
confide, ever guessed what was really in his mind. He
carried this quahty so far that he succeeded in hiding
from everyone the fact that he knew the French language
to perfection.

In this way Abdul Hamid was able later on to pretend
that what foreign ambassadors told him had not been
properly interpreted, or, again, that he had not grasped
the proper meaning of communications made to him.

This fact is one of far more importance in the turnings
of Fate than at first becomes apparent. Not unUkely
Europe would have been spared vexatious or even bloody
complications had not the wiliness of Abdul in this direc-
tion led him to be hoist with his own petard. I had it from
the lips of Baron Marschall von Bieberstein himself that,
so far as he knew, the only person who perceived the
deception was the Emperor William II., who, whilst on
his visit to Constantinople, during an interview which he
had with the Sultan, suddenly sent away the interpreter,

6 The Near East from Within

and then, turning on his discomfited host, bluntly told
him that they had better discuss alone what they had to
say, because he knew very well that they could understand
each other without any outside help.

Abdul Hamid was so taken by surprise that he could
not find words to deny the assertion, and it was only when
the conversation came to an end that he begged his guest
not to reveal to others the secret he had penetrated. The
reply was typical of the Emperor : "You may rest quiet
as to that point," he said. " It is far more to my interest
than to yours that the world should think you do not
understand French, and that, in consequence, you were
unable to discuss politics with me."

I have mentioned the incident because it throws a
certain light on subsequent events. The Commander of
the Faithful and the all-powerful Kaiser had learned to
gauge each other's strength and to realise that an alliance
might in time bring about great events. But in this
game the advantage remained for a long while on the side
of Abdul Hamid, who knew to a nicety how to use his
position to advantage. He constantly played Germany
against Russia and Russia against England, and in that
way obtained considerable loans — which he used for his
personal extravagances more often than for his country's
needs.

It is a tribute to his skill in playing the game of
politics on the chessboard of Europe that almost invari-
ably we discovered that, whenever he was threatened by
a conspiracy at home or by aggression from abroad, Abdul

Elusive Signs of Progress 7

had contrived that one or other of the great Powers should
interfere on his behalf.

Looking backward over the reign of Abdul Hamid, the
conclusion of the historian would doubtless be that Turkey
had retained its political importance during his tenure of
the throne, but had shown a palpable intellectual decline.
The Young Turk movement and initial impetus for the
emancipation of women were only elusive signs of pro-
gress, and in realitj^ meant little in the way of national
enlightenment. The police effectuallj^ barred progress on
the road of civilisation and of culture. Ambition w^as
an imknown quantity, because there was daily the danger
of becoming a victim of the secret police, whose sway
was the more formidable in that it was the only institu-
tion in the Ottoman Empire which could not be bought
or sold, owing to the fact that it was controlled entirely
by the Sultan, who reserved to himself the sole right to
dispose of people who fell under his displeasure.

Every morning the official in charge of this important
department reported at Yildiz Kiosk what had taken
place in Constantinople during the preceding twenty-four
hours. Especially was this activity displayed in the foreign
and diplomatic quarters, and also in regard to certain
progressive Turkish families. The number of secret
executions that took place during the reign is generally
credited to be enormous ; quite often a man or woman
suddenly vanished, after having gone out for a walk, or
whilst making a call. Abdul Hamid believed that the
best way to render his enemies harmless was to annihilate

8 The Near East from Within

them at once. Before he came to the throne he had
witnessed so many palace conspiracies, been present at
the discussion of so many plots against the Sovereign
of the day, that perhaps it is not to be wondered that
he always expected to find a foe lurking behind some
curtain in order to assassinate him.

The precautions with which the Sultan surrounded
himself at Yildiz Kiosk were altogether extraordinary.
Quite by chance one day I happened upon a jealously
guarded secret, one which, I believe, has never until now
been made public. I refer to the curious fact that the head
of his service of secret spies and bodyguards was a German
ex-detective, whose mission it had been in previous years
to watch over the safety of the Emperor William I. The
prophets have it that WiUiam II. recommended him to
Abdul Hamid during the visit to which I have already
alluded. So long as that man remained at his post, not
one of the many plots against the Sultan succeeded.
This prince of secret agents died shortly before the cul-
mination of the conspiracy which hurled Abdul from his
throne.

There is little doubt that when William II. paid his
visit to Constantinople he hoped to persuade the Sultan
to enter into an alliance with Germany. He did not
succeed ; partly because he displayed far too much eager-
ness, thus giving the Turkish Government an inflated
idea of its own influence since its co-operation was so per-
tinaciously sought by the monarch whom they believed
to be the most powerful in Europe. Another element

Baron Marschall von Bieberstein 9

in the failure of William II. was that Abdul Hamid wisely
inferred that it might be more profitable to see whether
he could not secure better conditions elsewhere.

It was most amusing to watch the details of this game
of diplomatic chess. By thus playing off one embassy
against another, the Ottoman monarch gained years of
quietness, and in a certain degree afforded greater facilities
for expansion and development to his people than he
could have done under different conditions. When the
Serbs or Bulgarians annoyed the Turkish Empire, when
England clamoured for some concession of a commercial
nature, when Russia threatened an invasion of Asia
Minor, the Sultan sent for the particular ambassador
accredited at his Court, and contrived to smooth over the
difficulty which had arisen, mostly by promising some-
thing. If matters became desperate, he appealed to his
good friend William II., who seemed to think it his
imperative duty to watch over the welfare of the Turk.

In the meantime minor matters — or, at least, what
in the eyes of Abdul were of minor importance — such as
the concession of the Bagdad Railway, were granted to
the enterprising Teutons. And more valuable still, the
German Ambassador, Baron Marschall von Bieberstein,
contrived to gain the confidence of Abdul Hamid, and
fondly believed that thereby he had established himself
as the paramount voice in his councils.

Baron Marschall von Bieberstein was perhaps the one
man in the whole world who was absolutely instructed as
to the real aims of the policy pursued by William II.,

10 The Near East from Within

and I have always held the opinion that it was partly upon
his advice that the Emperor adopted the attitude toward
the world at large which so successfully led people astray
as to his ultimate object.

Clever, insinuating in spite of his gruff manners and
love for plain speaking, Baron von Marschall was the most
profound student of human nature it has ever been my
fortune to meet. He could gauge the moral and intel-
lectual worth of a man with unerring accuracy after only
a few moments' conversation with him. He had fathomed
at once the cowardice, barbarity, and Eastern cunning
which made up the real Abdul Hamid. He understood
admirably how to play upon these qualities as occasion
required. More than that, he had managed to secure
secret allies in the very precincts of Yildiz Kiosk. I will
not say that the representatives of other Powers had not
also succeeded in securing interested influence and sources
of private information and advice, but it always seemed to
me that in this respect the Baron had outdistanced other
diplomatic workers. There was not only the police agent
of whom I have already spoken, but also the chief eunuch,
and, too, a favourite slave of the Padishah, a Christian
girl who had unbounded influence over him, principally
on account of the enmity with which the other inhabitants
of the harem regarded her.

The mention of this woman tempts me to dwell upon
the undoubted fact that in the Ottoman Empire political
exigencies are at the mercy of the merest incident and
swayed too often by the inner currents of Turkish life

A Man of Passions n

which are, and will long remain, impenetrable mysteries
to the foreigner.

Apart from his love of money, Abdul Hamid had no
other great passions. Sensual like all Orientals, he did
not care for women beyond the brutal satisfaction which
he derived from their possession. Love was unknown to
him, and yet he fell under the influence of the woman
just referred to, who contrived to worm herself into his
entire confidence and to become his associate in many
plans and many designs. Well educated, exceedingly
clever and intriguing, this Christian woman whom circum-
stances had thrown into the Imperial Harem was but too
glad to take part in a political conspiracy of magnitude.
Up to a certain point she became a pawn in the diplomatic
game played by Baron Marschall von Bieberstein, being
in some measure associated with him in the attempts
which he made to secure Abdul Ham id's acquiescence in
the plans of the Emperor William II.

To a man of the perception of Baron von Marschall
it was not difficult to discover what a precious ally this
woman could be. For the purpose of this narrative we
will call her Amina. Bieberstein flattered her, made her
lavish presents, flashed brilliant prospects before her eyes,
and even allowed Amina to think that, should Turkey
enter thoroughly into the plans of Germany, she would
find herself strongly supported in her ambition to be
recognised as the only legitimate wife of Abdul Hamid.

Other diplomats had attempted to approach her;
among others. Count Corti, who for a good many years

12

The Near East from Within

held the post of ItaUan Ambassador at Constantinople,
and who had been the first to realise the power of the
harem to decide the most momentous questions. All the
efforts of these gentlemen failed utterly ; Amina refused
to hsten to them. Baron von Marschall's tactics were
different : he first discovered who were the Turkish ladies
admitted to the intimacy of the harem, and induced one
of them to represent him as an admirer of Amina. Then
one day he arranged matters so that he found himself in
the bazaar bargaining over some carpets and turquoises,
at the same moment as the Sultan's favourite. A liberal
baksheesh distributed to the eunuchs who accompanied
Amina, and to the Persian in whose shop they were
permitted to remain alone for a few minutes, he forthwith
told the young inmate of the Imperial Harem that he
had heard so much about her that he felt sure she would
respond to his appeal and use her influence over the
Sultan, which he knew was great, to induce Abdul to
accept certain promises which emanated from Berlin.

The recital — told me with every evidence of truth and
borne out by circumstances within my own knowledge —
continues that he pictured the brilliant results that would
accrue, the power that would become Abdul's, and inci-
dentally Amina's, if they allowed his master William II.
to help Turkey re-establish once more the wide sway of
Mohammedanism. Amina fell into the snare, and hence-
forward Germany secured a powerful ally in the immediate
surrovmdings of the Sultan, one who, too, kept von
Marschall regularly informed of what was asked of the

The Eternal Feminine 13

Sultan and of what he planned to do. Through the know-
ledge so gained the German diplomat was able to win
Abdul Hamid over to his opinion or to secure his endorse-
ment of some secret action the Baron had received
instructions from Berlin to recommend.

These private messages emanated, not from the
Foreign Office, but from the Emperor William himself
in holograph letters which were forwarded by special
messengers. On one occasion, when a communication of
more than usual moment had arrived, Abdul Hamid, per-
suaded by Amina, consented to receive Baron Marschall
von Bieberstein in the dead of the night. This confidential
interview led to great things, because from that day Ger-
many became a palpable factor in Turkish politics and
administration.

For a number of years certain German military officers
had been "on leave" in Constantinople. In this way,
in 1883, von der Goltz laid the foundation of the work
with which in later years his name was to be associated —
the remodelling on German lines of the Ottoman army.
Various missions also had been to and fro. It was notice-
able, however, that after the appointment of Baron von
Marschall less secrecy attached to German operations, that
the reorganisation of the Turkish army under the auspices
of officers of Teutonic origin was conducted with greater
zeal, and was submitted to with less reluctance by the
Mohammedan commanders.

When this work of training the army after European
methods was first undertaken by Germany it was carried

14 The Near East from Within

out with indifferent success. The German officers were
not enamoured of their task, and allowed their impatience,
if not contempt, of Moslem soldiers to be seen. On the
other hand, or perhaps as a result of this attitude, the
rank and file of the Turkish army proved distinctly hostile
to European discipline. The whole problem was beset
with difficulty. The Turks of that day resented being
commanded by a Christian officer. Moslems did not
believe in European tactics, and the Turkish military
leaders did not relish being ordered about by a newcomer
and a foreigner at that.

When the war with Greece took place it was seen,
however, that German influence had given the Turkish
army a power previously lacking. Nevertheless the army
complained that the so-called reforms had not given them
a speedier and easier victory.

As was to be expected, too, all this time France and
England continually combated the activity of the German
military mission through their respective ambassadors ;
and, what with one thing and another, the great Teutonic
effort to capture a dominating influence in Turkey seemed
to collapse into insignificance, though I must say that
England shut her eyes persistently to the state of affairs
and was singularly apathetic just at the moment her great
opportunity arose.

The inner reason for this decline of Teutonic influence
was that the German mission had never been properly
supported by Abdul Hamid, who at that time was in
reality still hesitating as to which side he ought to take.

Lost Opportunities 15

There was a moment when it would have been easy to
bring him under French influence, but Russia either did
not understand or else would not accept the hints which
were made to her to declare herself openly as antagonistic
to German influence. At the period to which I refer the
Franco-Russian alliance was still in its infancy. Count de
Montebello, the French Ambassador at Petrograd — or
Petersburg as it was then — who, from the fact that
he had been for some years in the same capacity at Con-
stantinople, had a wide experience of both Turkey and
the Sultan, did not attach sufficient importance to the
possibility of German influence becoming paramount in
the councils of Abdul. He therefore treated with in-
difference the efforts made by William II. to acquire a
solid footing on the Bosphorus.

This capital mistake of a man who ought to have
known better led ultimately to the loss of French prestige
in Turkey, whilst the successive British Ambassadors in
that country did not perceive the gradual weakening of
the significance to the Turk of English power and
England's position as the greatest Moslem monarchy in
the world. Though at the time being it was not recog-
nised, this fact was to have appalling consequences.

In those distant days, when Germany was first putting
forth her efforts to get Turkey under her influence, many
people wondered at the persistent interest which the
German Emperor took in all matters concerning the
military development of Turkey. Not a few wondered
what induced him to show himself so well disposed

i6 The Near East from Within

toward a nation which was evidently in the last stage
of decay.

One day, after my return from Constantinople, I was
at a diplomatic social gathering — those convenient events
where one can make arrangements without a prying world
wondering why So-and-so called upon another So-and-so

— when a certain Princess Ij exchanged confidences

with me. I told her much of Constantinople and its
intrigues — much that did not matter, and she responded
w4th vivacious gossip of the same calibre. But some of
her w^ords I have never forgotten, because they answered
a question which had long been in my mind.

I had ventured to comment upon the mystery of the
friendship that was becoming apparent with Turkey,
when the Princess, with a laugh, said that I was trying
to throw dust in her eyes, but that it was of no use, for
she herself had heard the Emperor tell her husband that
he was not an admirer of the Sultan, but he was the one
man in the world who w^ould prove the most useful to
Germany later on.

He explained, continued Princess L — — , that "Ger-
many has far too many enemies for me to feel quiet
respecting the years to come. Our naval supremacy is
disputed by England as well as by France, and our uncle
Edward, whenever he becomes King, which let us hope
will not be so soon, will try his best to excite our enemies
against us. Under these circumstances it would be to our
advantage to have Turkey on our side, if only on account
of the diversion which she might be induced to make by

"Meddling England" 17

an incursion into Egypt, which she would give much to
snatch from under the English yoke. This would keep
meddling England occupied, and after all this is what we
want. If you think over all this you will then perhaps
share my opinion that the Sultan as well as the welfare
of Turkey cannot remain indifferent to me."

It was at this juncture that Baron Marschall von
Bieberstein was appointed to Constantinople in October,
1897. Many people saw a significance in the fact that
the ex-Secretary for Foreign Affairs should take this
diplomatic post so soon, but two months after the signing
of the Franco-Russian agreement, and were satisfied that
it was a counter move to any possible revival of Russian
influence at the Sublime Porte which the Tsar might feel
inclined to attempt now that he had the possibility of
French aid.

In sending von Marschall to Constantinople the
German Emperor evinced his discernment. The influence
of the new ambassador was not long in making itself
manifest in an improved feeling. He was not looked upon
with favour at Yildiz during the first days of his tenure
of the embassy, but he speedily caused Abdul to change
his attitude, in which he was aided by assurances from
Berlin that he was, as it were, a very fine fellow indeed.
Once he had removed Abdul's aloofness, the Baron sought
to gain a friendly footing, and cast about him to discover
persons Hkely to be amenable to suggestions of recipro-
cation for aiding him in his desire.

One of the outcomes of this delicate inquiry was von

i8 The Near East from Within

Marschall's friendliness with Amina, which was brought
about in the manner already related, and was an asset of
considerable value in his diplomatic intrigues.

Just prior to the deposition of Abdul Ham id this tool
of the German Ambassador was the heroine of an exciting
adventure, in which one of the German Emperor's per-
sonal letters narrowly escaped falling into the hands of
the last persons William II. would have wished to learn
its contents. It would undoubtedly have been discovered
by the Young Turks had it not been for the presence of
mind of Amina, who hastily seized it from under the
cushion where it had been hidden, and managed to throw
it into a fire at the very moment the door of the sleeping
apartment which she shared with Abdul Hamid was being
forced. Later on she contrived to have William II.
apprised of what she had done, and was handsomely
rewarded for her prompt action.

It would, indeed, have been most awkward for the
German Emperor had the contents of this letter been
revealed, because it would have stood in direct opposition
to some negotiations which he had undertaken against
Abdul Hamid, who had so long persisted in the vacil-
lating attitude which he had believed to be so clever that
at last W^iUiam II. had found out that he was being made
a fool of. Thereupon he turned toward the Young Turk
party, in whom he had thought it likely he would find
more honest allies.

At that precise moment the subterranean activities of
Baron von Marschall, who had all along warned the

A Warning to Russia 19

Sultan that a conspiracy of a formidable nature was
being hatched against him, had drawn the attention of
a very intelligent Serb. This man himself had played
a part of no little importance in the political disturb-
ances of his own country. But this by the way; to
return, he had seen through Bieberstein's diplomacy,
and, returning from Turkey, had warned the Russian
Government of the German intrigues that were going
on at Constantinople. He argued that the ultimate issue
of these undercurrents was the conclusion of a defensive
and offensive alliance between Germany and the Ottoman
Empire. The great bait for the Sultan was that thereby
he might regain Egypt and Batoum, together with the
fortress of Kars in Armenia. Wilham II., on his part,
professed to be satisfied by the certainty that, with the
Sultan as his ally, should ever war break out between
Germany and Russia, the latter would find her commerce
in the Black Sea paralysed.

The Servian politician to whom I have referred had
seen through that game, but, unfortunately, his warning
to Petersburg had been disregarded. He was treated as
a visionary who took for reality the product of a dis-
ordered imagination. For the Germans it was a good
stroke of destiny that the one man who guessed the real
nature of the aim pursued by William II. had been
treated as a madman. Meanwhile German propaganda
at the Sublime Porte was temporarily obscured, while
other political events engrossed the attention of the
world, and gradually Turkey came to be considered as a

20 The Near East from Within

dangerous element only on account of possible complica-
tions which the development of those different Slav States
she had persecuted in long bygone ages might precipitate.
Her fate seemed to be sealed, financially at least, and
her enemies looked upon the final disintegration of the
Ottoman Empire as a foregone conclusion.

In the meantime, unknown to all but the few prime
movers, the reorganisation of her different institutions had
begun, and Turkey was given to understand that if only
she persevered in improving her military power she might
yet prove in time a formidable surprise to those who had
already discounted her death and disappearance from the
political arena.

In saying that this was done in such secrecy that the
world did not suspect, I am not quite correct. A small
circle in Turkey guessed that something important was
going on.

Out of this nebulous feeling of unrest the Young
Turk party sprang into vigorous life. It had existed
for years in a less formidable way and conducted a well-
concealed campaign for the introduction under its segis
of truly progressive methods of government. Before long
the party had some of the most important political men
in the country on its side, and the movement was viewed
with sympathy among all ranks of the army. Abdul's
tenure of the throne was not opposed, but the corrupt
administration; indeed, at one moment it was projected
to induce the Sultan to lead the Constitutional party
to final triumph. Abdul Hamid, however, was not the

The Young Turks 21

man to accept such a situation, and very soon the energy
with which he tried to break the power of the Committee
of Union and Progress, as the Young Turks called their
executive, made him more enemies than ever.

Things were in this condition of seething unrest in
Constantinople when Enver Bey sprang into prominence.
An incident about which I shall have something to say
later on had made him acquainted with Baron von
Marschall, who very quickly recognised the ambition that
lay lurking behind the smile of this future hero of one
of the most important revolutions of modern times.
The Baron soon invited the Bey to his house and made
friends with him, inducing him to talk about the feelings
nourished among the army in regard to the Sultan.
When he ascertained that a strong party existed who
wished to get rid of Abdul Hamid, he asked Enver Bey
quite brusquely whether he would not undertake to head
a revolution tending to dispossess the Sultan of a crown
which he was wearing neither with dignity nor with
valour.

Enver Bey was no fool, and at first turned a deaf
ear to the German Ambassador. Curiously enough, while
Enver was debating what course to adopt, it got to
Hamid 's ears that he was promoting another conspiracy
against the life of the Sultan.

Abdul Hamid lost no time in acting, and on the
strength of the advice tendered to him he ordered the
arrest of Enver Bey. Enver, however, had been warned
of his impending fate by none other than Baron von

22 The Near East from Within

Marschall himself, who evidently beUeved it wise to have
friends everywhere. Enver Bey evaded arrest, but the
road to further dignities and honour was thereby closed.
He was dismissed his regiment and condemned to death.
Such treatment was bitterly resented by Enver Bey as
no reason for the degradation was given, and he never
learned that his downfall was through the false accusa-
tion of conspiracy conveyed through Amina to the Sultan.
He thereafter nourished in his heart a slumbering feehng
of vindictive animosity which only needed the opportunity
to burst forth into active operation against his Sovereigii.
From his retreat in Asia Minor he plotted with friends
in Constantinople, of whom he had plenty, to enter into
a real conspiracy against Abdul Hamid, whom it was at
first intended to put to death without further ceremony.
I know personally, however, that Baron von Marschall,
who had been kept faithfully informed of all that was
going on, demurred to this. The life of the Sultan was
to be spared, and on no account was he to be molested
beyond the fact of his deposition. The orders of the
Emperor William were precise as to this point, and only
on that condition the Baron consented to furnish the
conspirators with the money they required to put into
execution their intentions. He was quite willing to dis-
possess Abdul Hamid of his throne, but he did not intend
to lose him as an important trump in the game which he
knew his master was playing.

The revolution took place, but not before Amina
had been secretly warned to put aside whatever objects of

Abdul's Big Mistake 23

value, such as money and jewels, which she possessed, all
of which were taken for safety to the German Embassy.

The great mistake made by Abdul Hamid, and to
which ultimately he owed his fall, was that he failed to
perceive that Eastern cunning could not succeed for ever.
He had become so unpopular in his own country and
among his own subjects that he could no longer hope to
hold his crown unless he resorted to some help from out-
side, and by his own shiftiness he had dammed the sources.
With all his unmistakable political abilities he was but
an Oriental despot. Unfortunately for him, the nation
over which he ruled was tired of despots, though it might
have felt contented under an absolute sovereign such as is
referred to in the Koran and whom Islam had worshipped
in past ages. Abdul had imagined that in order to con-
solidate his position he must inspire terror ; but, instead
of terror, he only secured the hatred and contempt of his
people.

His nature was a curious mixture of boldness of mind
and conception, and fear at some unknown and dreadful
fate which he ever felt was hovering over him and his
race. Avaricious to an extent that has not been suffi-
ciently appreciated, he hastened, as soon as he was
warned by Baron Marschall von Bieberstein that a con-
spiracy was being hatched against him, to put in a place
of safety as much as he could of the treasures and money
he had amassed, and to this day in two German banks
considerable sums are lying to his credit about which few
of those he trusts have any idea and which his enemies

24 The Near East from Within

have so far failed to discover. It is a curiously illuminating
insight into Eastern fatalism that he never thought of
providing for his own safety beyond the precautions he
generally employed. Except that he never slept two
consecutive nights in the same room, he changed none
of his usual habits. He had been advised to fly to some
place where he could be better guarded than was possible
at Yildiz, but he had always refused.

Sultan Abdul Hamid was cunning. He was not
unaware of the bribery and corruption which permeated
official spheres, but in the secrecy of his heart he felt
that on his own part he was not free from reproach in
that respect. He remembered occasions when, for this
or that concession, he too had accepted baksheesh, and
a few millions had found their way into his pocket rather
than into the coffers of the State.

When the fall came and he was imprisoned at
Salonika, the fact that he was so rich and that it was
essential to lay hold of his well-concealed wealth assuredly
preserved his life ; otherwise he would have been killed as
soon as he was taken prisoner. As it was, Abdul Hamid
continued to snap his fingers at the revolutionaries who
had robbed him of his throne. For years he kept them
on tenterhooks, doling out small bribes of a few thou-
sands at a time, and never revealing the place where he
had hidden his many millions. In addition to the two
Berlin banks, he confided specie to an enormous amount
to the keeping of the Emperor WilHam II., who sug-
gested the idea to him. The German Emperor holds the

Arrest of Abdul Hamid 25

strings of Abdul Hamid's private purse ; at any rate he
did so till the war broke out, the interest on the money
entrusted to his care going regularly to the ex-Sultan,
though no one has ever been able to discover the channel
through which the operation is transacted.

When the Young Turks made him prisoner, he did
not offer the slightest resistance, but from his prison
at Salonika, in spite of the rigorous way in which he was
watched, he succeeded in maintaining communication with
the outside world, notably with Berlin, and he followed
with the utmost interest all that went on at Constanti-
nople. He did not envy his successor ; on the contrary,
he remained upon good terms with him, as soon as he
had realised that in time, if, indeed, he did not regain
the throne which he had lost, he might at least be allowed
to return to one of his palaces on the Bosphorus, there
to spend the rest of his days in the leisurely fashion so
dear to Eastern hearts. He had no regret for the supreme
power which he had lost. Indeed, he is possibly happier
to-day than at any time during the years when millions
of people trembled at his approach.

A new Sultan was elected, about whom I shall have
something to say later. He was a weak, timid man,
kind-hearted, but without any will of his own. He was
demoralised by years of semi-captivity, in which his best
faculties had been smothered under the continual fear
of assassination at the hands of his brother, who bore
him a deep hatred. He felt more than surprised at his
unexpected elevation to the throne and absolutely unable

26 The Near East from Within

to fight against the will of those who had brought him

there.

Under his reign Turkish politics, which had been
controlled by the iron hand of Abdul Hamid, were left
to the guidance of men without experience and mthout
poHcy. It was not surprising, therefore, that the adminis-
tration allowed itself to be brought under German influ-
ence, and became dependent on the w^ill of the Emperor
WilUam II., until at last the treaty of alliance which he
had long tried without success to bring about became
an accomplished fact. Turkey then suddenly came for-
ward as an important factor in a most serious situation.
Where Marshal von der Goltz had failed. General Liman
von Sanders was to succeed most brilliantly.

On occasion, since his return to his former capital,
Abdul Hamid has given unasked advice to Mohammed V. ,
the following of which Mehmed has never had cause to
regret. It is said that Abdul had a good deal to do with
the recent attitude adopted by the Turkish Government
and with the declaration of war against the xlUies. How-
ever that may be, it is more than certain that the rash act
was strongly reminiscent of the German sympathies of
Abdul Hamid. In his retreat of Beylerbey he sees more
visitors than he is supposed to do, and I have been told
that the Khedive Abbas Hilmi more than once appealed
to his experience and sought advice from him.

After having feigned illness and melancholy during
the years which he spent in confinement at Salonika,
he suddenly seemed to gather new strength, and it is said

A Past Without Remorse 27

by some people that he now prepares himself for the
possibility of having once more a powerful voice in the
destinies of Europe. Aged though he is, he has lost
none of his former activity of mind. The old fox secretly
amuses himself by watching the drama which he has
helped to prepare, but for which he has contrived to avoid
any responsibility. Whilst sipping his cup of coffee he
remembers the past without remorse, and looks forward
to the future with that perfect tranquillity which only
a saint or a confirmed criminal can feel.

CHAPTER II

LIFE IN CONSTANTINOPLE

MY first visit to the Near East was with the inten-
tion of seeing something of Asia Minor as well as
of Constantinople.

My first destination was Smyrna, but I was so entirely
interested in the people of Constantinople that I did little
else than remain in the city, studying its ways and learning
a little — exceedingly little — of the intricate, not to say
tortuous, mind of the Moslem. It is true I managed to
make a short excursion to Brusa, but, apart from this,
the rest of the month at my disposal I spent in the capital
of the Turkish Empire.

I had been given considerable information about the
Perotes — the native inhabitants of the European quarter
of Pera — and had always been told that they exhibited
a curious minghng of the habits of the Oriental with those
of the European middle class. There is a certain amount
of truth in this, but the description conveys to the mind
of the stranger only a very weak picture of their curious
and heterogeneous character.

It is one of the unwritten laws of Pera, which are
as unalterable as the dicta of the Medes and Persians,

28

The "Right People" 29

that everybody must know everybody else. One is not
even allowed to acquire that knowledge gradually, but
within an hour of one's arrival the new-comer is expected
to get into contact with all who consider themselves to
be the " right people." This expression " right people "
is one of the most frequently used phrases in Constanti-
nople, and it is used with such lavishness that, nine times
out of ten, it gets beyond the sublime and becomes
ridiculous. For instance, a certain butcher belongs to
the "right people," yet there are Pashas against whom
you brush daily who can lay no claim to that distinction,
notwithstanding the fact that their breasts are covered
with orders and that they occupy in the miUtary or civil
hierarchy a very high place indeed.

The Perotes, a name for which, by the way, they
manifest an inordinate pride, are mostly half-castes, a
mixture of Greek and Armenian blood, sprinkled here
and there with descendants of more Western Europeans.
Perote ladies may be amusing, especially by their utter
disregard of conventionality, but they are not entertain-
ing. Their education is slender, and their conversation
a mixture of slander combined with coarseness. They
seldom read anything except French novels of a very
low order, and newspapers of a similar grade, of which
many exist throughout Turkey. They are perennially
eager for knowledge as to the actions, thoughts, and
general movements of the Turkish ladies whom they know
and of the foreigners who happen to come to gossip-loving
Constantinople. The most reserved soon find, to their

30

The Near East from Within

intense surprise and disgust, that secrecy is impossible in
Pera ; plans or intentions somehow become known to
perfect strangers with incredible swiftness; privacy is
beyond attainment. " Society " in the capital of Turkey
is merely another name for petty espionage ; one cannot
go out of doors without being watched by a dozen people,
who at once start speculating why one turned to the left
when it would have been just as easy to go to the right.
The progress of every steam or motor launch that plies
on the Bosphorus is known, not so much by its particular
shape as by its distinguishing whistle, at the sound of
which people rush to their windows to watch with
eagerness and curiosity the boat's course.

In Perote-land every new arrival is subjected to a
curiosity which reaches a magnitude those who have not
experienced it steadfastly refuse to believe. For instance,
when I put in an appearance for the first time at the ball
which takes place at the Grand Hotel of Therapia every
Saturday, I was immediately pounced upon by a lady
afflicted with two daughters, each of whom was just as
much a character as her mother. She started questioning
me at once as to my reasons for visiting the Turkish
capital. When I tried to assure her that I had been simply
actuated by the desire to travel, and at the same time
to visit friends at the German Embassy, she smiled in
a mysterious way, and murmured, "Oh! You are dis-
creet, like all gentlemen, but we know better. We have
heard all about it." And when I attempted to assure
her that there was nothing to hear about, she half -closed

The Lure of the Orient 31

her eyes, and nuirmured, "It is no use your trying to
be mysterious; we all know that you have already been
at Mrs. A.'s house, and," she added in a hushed, tragic
tone, " we also know that you are a friend, an old
friend, of hers !"

I was aghast. The lady referred to was the wife of
a colleague of mine, lately married. I had never seen
the lady before my arrival at Constantinople, when her
husband had introduced me to her. But when I tried
to convey this information to my tormentor, she simply
looked at me, and repHed, *' Oh, it is useless, believe
me, quite useless, to deny what we all know so well.
It is, of course, very nice of you, but then you cannot
control your face, and it lights up whenever you look
at Mrs. A.!"

This last phrase proved too much for my outraged
feehngs, and I fled hastily, seeking refuge by the side
of the very friend with whose wife I had been accused
of carrying on an intrigue. I asked him whether it was
a usual occurrence in Constantinople society thus to be
submitted to inquisition as to one's past life. He laughed
and told me that I would see and hear far more mar-
vellous things before I had done with the delights of the
Turkish capital.

And I did see them, and very quickly came to the
conclusion that Constantinople was a very nice place not
to live in. I would have drowned myself in despair had
I been obliged to spend anything like a long time in it.
At least, I thought so; but soon a curious, indolent.

32 The Near East from Within

satisfied feeling took me in its embrace. I began to
understand the charms of an existence spent in idling
among the roses and under the plane trees which give
such a pleasant coolness to that wonderful spot. The
general feeling of uneasiness which I had experienced
passed away; I became used to the people, to their
pecuUarities, and to their utter disregard of what we call
the conventions. I began also to understand something
of the dreamy nature of the Orientals, and of that
indifference of the Turk for everything that does not
concern him personally, as well as his utter contempt of
everything that is European.

The wives and womenfolk of the Diplomatic Corps
keep themselves very exclusive ; they do not care to mix
with the Perotes. With the exception of some bankers
of high repute, Perotes are not admitted to entertainments
at the embassies. I speak of the ladies, of course. The
men, however, of the Diplomatic Corps, especially the
bachelors, do not refuse to make excursions into that
particular world where one speaks such remarkable French
and where Mrs. Grundy is unknown. Balls are given at
Pera during the winter which are magnificent and sump-
tuous affairs, and sometimes it happens that politics come
to be discussed at them, especially when some Pasha or
Minister honours the event with his presence, and meets
by accident — or more often design — some foreign ambas-
sador bidden to the function.

It was during one of these festivities, given at the
house of a wealthy Armenian, that the deposition of

Dead Glories and Buried Heroes 33

Abdul Hamid was finally decided upon. At another, the
Bulgarian Minister whispered into the ear of his French
colleague that great things were about to happen, and
that very likely a few months more would see a Christian
Emperor enter St. Sophia, and the Mohammedan monarch
who was at that moment reigning in Constantinople ousted
from his high place.

Life in Turkey is always interesting, even in its
moments of supreme idleness. One finds continually
something to see and something to observe or to admire,
and to any student of human nature it affords sources
of enjoyment such as he meets with nowhere else in the
world. For one thing, it is so totally different from
what one sees generally, and it is intermingled with so
many remembrances of a great and warlike past, that it
cannot fail to produce a deep impression. Everything
in the Ottoman Empire speaks about dead glories and
buried heroes ; of romances and love affairs intermingled
with crime and murder, with women's tears and men's
vengeances.

In Constantinople, a walk round the old walls erected
by Justinian takes one back to those days when Byzan-
tium kept the world chained to her chariot. The slender,
white minarets which rise at every corner, and meet the
eye wherever one turns, are full of sweet and dreadful
memories ; they rise up on the clear horizon of Stamboul
as if to defy any conqueror to touch or to attempt to
destroy their soft, sad beauty.

In this landscape, different from any other, where

D

34 The Near East from Within

cypress and myrtle abound, and where the roses bloom
all the year round, one comes to look at things, as well
as at men, in quite a different light. The Western
European, used to brisk views of life, and energetic days,
is not long a dweller on the banks of the Bosphorus ere
he ceases to wonder at the indifference with which the
Turk looks on at the slow dismemberment of the mighty
Islamic Empire. In Turkey nothing matters but the life
of the day.

What struck me very much in this first sojourn in
Constantinople was the attitude maintained by Turkish
officials in regard to the social life of the European
colony. One saw them sometimes solemnly attending
the receptions given at the different embassies, and eat-
ing in stolid silence the dinners offered them by the
influential people of Pera. They spoke but little, and
even the mightiest among the many mighty Pashas who
honoured these entertainments with their presence made
a point of appearing to ignore French or other languages,
and of maintaining a studious silence as far as they could.

I felt curious to know the reason for this restraint on
the part of people whom I had had occasion to meet
privately, and so knew that they spoke English or French
or even German with a certain fluency. I was told that
it proceeded from fear of spies, who were expected to
report all that they heard to the Sultan. This fear, im-
posed upon high Turkish functionaries by anxiety as to
their personal welfare, had a restraining influence also on
the gossip, and I have noticed that whenever a Turk

Baksheesh, the Real Ruler 35

happened to be in a Pera drawing-room conversation
became less personal and more charitable.

Intrigue permeated the very atmosphere in Constanti-
nople. In a land where most things were to be bought
or sold, it is little wonder if strenuous efforts were made
to snatch from the resources of the Empire every benefit
that lay within reach. Everybody believed Turkey to be
doomed to almost immediate dissolution ; hence all hast-
ened to seize the spoil. A relentless battle of wits was
fought over every possible concession which could bring
money to the lucky being who obtained it. Jewish
bankers, French financiers, German capitalists, English
engineers, Russian speculators were to be met at every
turn. They filled the air with their vivid stories of the
blessings which would accrue to the Turkish Empire if
only its rulers consented to adopt one or other of the
wild schemes which they unfolded before the eyes of
those on whose permission their realisation depended.

Baksheesh was the king before whom every head
bowed, and baksheesh was far more respected than was
the Sultan himself. I have often heard someone way,
"Does he know how to give a baksheesh? " just in the
same tone which we would have employed had w^e asked,
" Have you found So-and-so at home?"

Is it to be wondered at, therefore, if morality in
Turkey seems so lax? Is it surprising that at the period
of which I am writing no one in Europe believed that the
Ottoman Empire was capable of an effort strong enough
to raise itself from the slough of despond into which it

36 The Near East from Within

had fallen, and that those who arrived on the Bosphorus
indulged in avaricious dreams as to the ultimate fate of
this beautiful region, for the possession of which so many
ambitions had been fighting for centuries?

That it could baflfle all these intrigues, and assert itself
once more as an independent power, no one credited save
the Emperor William II., who alone had the foresight —
or, maybe, wiliness — to work out this deed of regeneration,
and to discover in weak, tottering Turkey an ally which,
as he beUeved, when trained by German officers, was
capable of fulfilling the important part that, thanks to
untoward events, it was suddenly called upon to play.

CHAPTER III

SULTAN MOHAMMED V

MY duties in connection with the embassy to which I
was attached took me afar. I left Constantinople
for a considerable time, returned again for a few months'
stay in the latter half of 1908 and the opening months of
the following year, and after another long interval found
myself, for the third time, entrusted with a mission to
Stamboul, during 1913, in the closing days of the Balkan
wars.

To my astonishment Turkey was a changed country.
It had become appreciably more civilised, though in
social life it had changed but little. The ladies in
Pera still gossiped, shady financiers were still trying to
obtain impossible concessions capable of taking in naive
European shareholders; but the fabric of the nation
itself had vastly improved. A certain spirit of independ-
ence had replaced the abject submission prevalent during
the reign of Abdul Hamid ; varying pohtical parties had
sprung into existence, and were each struggling for
notoriety and predominance ; a certain freedom of
thought had established itself. The Turks seemed to me
to have awakened to the knowledge that it was not too

37

38 The Near East from Within

late to make an effort to become once more a factor in
European politics. The sense of inferiority which had
pm-sued them ever since the days of Count Ignatieff, of
San Stefano fame, had died out.

It is undeniable that, in a powerful degree, this
rejuvenation was due to the exertions of the Young
Turk party, and especially to the personality of Enver
Bey (more recently a Pasha). He was the man of
the hour. He had succeeded, some months earUer, in
absorbing the public attention to an extent no Turkish
statesman had ever done before. He was no politician,
but simply a man with high, though hardly great,
ambitions, who had spent some long time in Germany,
and there had won for himself the warm regard of the
Emperor Wilham II., who quickly discerned how useful
a unit in his vast designs Enver could be. Enver knew
this well enough, but preserved a characteristic impas-
sivity, and meantime accorded to the new Sultan an
outward humihty and deference which cleverly concealed
his inner feeling of utter contempt for Abdul Hamid's
successor.

To tell the truth, the very appearance of Moham-
med v.— Mehmed Rechad Khan— the present ruler of
the Ottoman Empire, suggests nonentity. Small and
bent, with sunken eye and deeply Kned face, an obesity
savouring of disease, and a yellow, oily complexion, he
certainly is not prepossessing. There is Httle of intelli-
gence in his countenance, and he has never lost a hunted,
frightened look as he surveys his surroundings, as if

Abdul and Mehmed 39

dreading to find an assassin lurking in some dark corner,
ready to strike and kill.

From the time of his birth to a few days before his
accession, Mehmed had been kept in a state of semi-
confinement, and subjected to most careful surveillance,
in case he should attempt something that would endanger
the safety of his reigning brother.

Abdul Hamid hated him and despised him at the
same time. He yet felt afraid to have him killed —
perhaps because he imagined that a stronger and more
ambitious man would take his place. Mehmed Rechad,
although he was reported to be at the head of the
con-^piracy which overthrew the former Sultan, was in
real absolutely unaware it was in progress, for the
sim reason that no one would have dared to trust him
witl! secret of such importance. The only time that
plot} s had tried to persuade him to head a movement
of reform in the country, he had been so terrified at the
mere idea that he hastened to acquaint Abdul Hamid
with all details of the intrigue.

During Abdul's tenure of the throne, Mehmed
had been the object of cruel ill-treatment and the most
unjust suspicions on the part of his brother. There was
a time when he hardly dared to show himself in the
streets of Constantinople. He never went to bed without
wondering what might befall him during the night, and
he carefully affected the mannerisms of an idiot in order
to allay any apprehensions entertained as to his possible
activity in political matters.

40 The Near East from Within

Mehmed Rechad had received a better education than
Abdul Hamid, and had been taught European languages,
but he had not profited by the lessons which had been
given to him, preferring to spend his time in his harem,
whence he seldom emerged. Looking at him, one could
not understand how it was possible that this timid little
man was able to boast of an ancestry as determined as it
had been illustrious.

With all these defects, Mehmed Rechad was yet a
patriot in his way. He felt vaguely that Turkey was in dire
straits, but though he never imagined he could regenerate
his countr}^, yet he did not oppose those who attempted
the task. He would have preferred above everything
that someone should succeed in rousing the Ottoman
Empire, one who would be content to leave to Mehmed
the credit and the profit resulting from the enterprise.
He understood his personal shortcomings, but felt,
nevertheless, comfortable in their possession. He cer-
tainly would have been entirely sorry to reform either
his position, his character, his moral outlook, or any-
thing in his way of life. He was proud, too, in his way :
proud of his people, perhaps even more than of his rank
or of his riches, or of the power he was supposed to
wield from the day he put on the sword of Osman at
the Mosque of Eyoub.

When the messengers came to tell him that he was
Sultan, he at first refused to believe it ; his next thought
was one of extreme solicitude as to the fate of his brother,
respecting whom he kept asking for news and for assur-

3

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73

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p

5

o

3

H
o

5

Mediha Sultane 41

ances as to his safety. It is even reported that before
Abdul Hamid had been taken away from Constantinople,
Mehmed Rechad had been to see him secretly, and had
begged his pardon for having usurped his place, assur-
ing him that it had not been his fault that this had
occurred. To this, it seems, wise and cunning Abdul
Hamid had replied that his day was not over yet, and
that the time would come when his brother and successor
would be only too glad to have the benefit of his advice.
It seems that when the Council of Ministers heard
about the visit, they censured Mehmed Rechad severely
for taking such a step ; they even threatened him with
removal and imprisonment, which sent him into a state
of panic.

Had Rechad been left to himself, he would probably
have refused the diadem of Islam, but the iron will of
one of his sisters, the lovely Mediha Sultane, proved too
strong for him. This Turkish Princess was one of the
first women in Constantinople to adopt European ways
and manners, and to preach female emancipation to her
sisters in faith and in misfortune. Married when quite
young to one Damad Nedjib Pasha, she drank to the
dregs the cup of humiliation which every Turkish girl is
compelled to taste when she becomes wedded to a man
she has never seen before her wedding-day.

Damad Nedjib was ambitious, and had imagined that
his marriage with a sister of the Padishah would ensure
him honours and dignities. But the shrewd Abdul Hamid
knew him very well, and appreciated him still better.

42 The Near East from Within

He had given him his sister in order to win him over,
but he did not hasten to give Damad Nedjib the im-
portant place to which he considered himself entitled.
Disappointed in his ambitions, Damad started out to
thwart the Sultan with a recklessness that would certainly
have ended in trouble with anyone else than Abdul
Hamid, who was far too clever to show his irritation. He
managed, instead, to have it conveyed to his brother-in-
law that the only bar to his progress was his wife, who,
according to the insidious whisperer, was doing her utmost
to put obstacles in his way.

Damad Nedjib believed this tale of his wife's hate and
intrigue, and, rumour says, ill-treated her barbarously.
Her friends were indignant, she w^as furious. Not many
weeks later, after having drunk a cup of coffee, her
husband fell ill and died. She did not mourn him long,
and in a few months married the man who had been in
possession of her affections for a considerable time.

Damad Ferid Pasha Bouchati, her second husband,
was of Greek origin. He had rather advanced ideas as
to the social standing of w^omen, due doubtless to his
travels in many lands. Mediha Sultane opened her doors
to friends, and started a vigorous propaganda for female
emancipation. The great influence of her husband sup-
ported the movement, which has lately become prominent
in Turkey.

For some years Mediha Sultane was a leader in Con-
stantinople, until at last the Sultan began to entertain
suspicions that his sister's popularity had awakened within

Marschall and M^diha 43

her ambitions which were inimical to his future. The
result was that Abdul Hamid, who was never a man to
stick at trifles, sought a plan to rid himself of his too
progressive sister. Baron von Marschall came to hear of
Abdul's designs, and sought to thwart the plot, and —
being in Constantinople at that time ; it was my second
visit — it became part of my duty to aid in bringing the
counter-plot to successful issue. Mine was not a part in
the hmelight ; nevertheless it carried a sufficient measure
of responsibility to enable me to be fully conversant with
the details of this "episode of Knight Marschall, squire
of dames," as it was facetiously called by one of the
conspirators.

Unfortunately for the Sultan, the affair happened at
a moment when Berlin had begun to get tired of the
shifty pohcy of the Sublime Porte. Wilham II. was
decidedly piqued that more attention was not paid by
Abdul Hamid to the advice which had been showered
upon him from Wilhelmstrasse. The Sultan was not at
all responsive to the suggestions of the German Emperor,
and was getting on his nerves more than a little. At the
same time the Young Turks were daily growing in power,
and seemed likely any day to become the leaders of the
Ottoman Empire — an alliance with them would be easy,
and von Marschall was persuaded in his own mind that
it would profit Germany to take such a step.

Accordingly, he cultivated an acquaintance with
Damad Ferid Pasha that soon ripened into an intimacy,
and at last gained for him an introduction to the beautiful

44 The Near East from Within

Princess Mediha. He used his opportunities to acquaint
her of the dangers which threatened. She received the
news with a calmness which proved that she at least knew
her brother's nature; but it roused her Oriental love of
intrigue and revenge, and she readily fell in with a
suggestion which in reality was the first step in the
development of the conspiracy which was to deprive
Abdul Hamid of his throne and of his liberty.

It has always been my opinion, and I mention it in
passing, that the present Sultan would never have coun-
tenanced the plot had it not been for the influence of his
sister. She it was' who, on that dreadful April night when
the palace revolution put an end to a reign that had been
as bloody as it had been evil, sat beside Mehmed Rechad,
using all her powers to bolster his courage as, shaking with
terror, he reclined on his cushions and wondered what
kind of death he was destined to meet in a few moments.
When the conspirators forced their way into his rooms,
it was Mediha who inspired him to receive their salute
as the Sovereign and the Commander of all the Faithful.
Without her it is not improbable that the revolution
would never have taken place, or, at least, that it w^ould
not have put the present Sultan on the throne.

It took Mehmed Rechad some time to become
famiharised with his new position. Whenever a stranger
asked to be introduced into his presence, or whenever he
found himself obliged to appear at any public ceremony,
he displayed extreme nervousness. The habits formed
during his many years in bondage, the ever-present sense

Rechad Asserts Himself 45

of imminent danger engendered by the knowledge that
his life depended upon the suspicion or caprice of his
brother, remained with him for a long time after his
elevation to the supreme dignity. If the truth were told,
Rechad in his heart neither coveted the throne nor was
grateful to his sister or her accomplices for their part in
foisting it upon him.

At first he tried to do what he was told, but gradually
the desire to assert himself possessed him, and he began
to interest himself in the affairs of his vast Empire.
Though no soldier, he understood how necessary was a
strong army for his country. He listened, therefore,
with far more concentration than he was credited with
being capable of, to the sustained advice from Berlin to
agree to the resumption of the German military mission
for the purpose of training Turkish soldiers according to
German methods and discipline. The result was that,
when matters settled down after the revolution of 1908,
von der Goltz, with a score or so of German officers,
continued his work of reorganisation, until events led to
his recall.

Although earlier, when the Balkan war broke out,
Rechad had been heard to express his regret that the
military education of his troops was not yet completed,
their measure of efficiency was sufficient to cause him,
when the opportunity arose after the first reverses of the
campaign, to express the opinion that it was worth while
trying to regain possession of Adrianople whilst the Bul-
garians and the Serbs were fighting each other. Obedient

46 The Near East from Within

in some things to the will of his advisers, especially of
Enver Bey — latterly transformed into Enver Pasha — he
showed his independence in questions where the safety of
the Empire was concerned. He had remained silent at
the assassination of his Grand Vizier, but he refused to
be quiet when the question was raised as to whether the
conditions of the treaty which gave up to Bulgaria the
possession of Adrianople should or should not be adhered
to. He showed himself quite resolute, and with a deter-
mination no one could have expected to find in his weak
nature, he not only accepted the suggestions of Enver to
begin another war with the foes who had beaten him a
few weeks before, but went so far as to review the
regiments about to start for the front, and in a neat
little speech to encourage them to win back for Islam
the shrines from which they had been driven by the hated
Christians.

At the same time he started looking around for
alliances that would be of use to him in strengthening
his hold upon the advantages he did not doubt for a
moment he was about to win. It must be remembered
that Baron von Marschall was no longer there to give
advice to the Sultan. He had been appointed to succeed
Count Metternich in London, in May, 1912, and after
three months had died, his place being taken at the
Court of St. James by Prince Lichnowsky. The Baron's
successor at Constantinople had not yet won the con-
fidence of Mehmed Rechad, who in that difficult moment
turned once more to his sister, the one person in whom

Imperial Correspondence 47

he could have absolute confidence, and whom he knew
would not betray him, for the simple reason that if she
did so her own life would be in jeopardy.

Mediha Sultane was equal to the occasion. She told
her brother that the only sensible thing which he could
do was to follow up the suggestions from Berlin by
writing personally to the German Emperor, asking him
to send another military mission to Constantinople to
complete the education of the Turkish army begun under
Field-Marshal von der Goltz.

William II. hastened to reply that he was only
too willing to help his good brother, and that he had
appointed General Liman von Sanders, who would start
forthwith for Constantinople. The Emperor added his
opinion that the general, being more conciliatory in
disposition than his predecessor, would understand better
the peculiarities of the Turkish character, and in conse-
quence prove a more successful instructor.

It was about that time that I was asked to go once
more to the Turkish capital in order to judge for myself
the position of things there. To tell the truth, I did not
suspect the importance of the events that were hovering
over our heads, and did not foresee the great catastrophe
which was soon to overwhelm Europe, not excepting
Turkey. I imagined that I was required to do no more
than obtain some reliable estimate of the condition of
things in Constantinople after the war which had just
come to an end.

It turned out that that was only part — and the minor

48 The Near East from Within

part — of my mission, and that I had been chosen because
of my known habit of observation. Although no direct
instruction had been given yet, as I had seen Mehmed
Rechad in the earhest days of his reign, it was evidently
assumed with some confidence that during this visit my
mind would be at work making comparisons between the
state of things then and now, and also as to the directions
in which the personality of Mehmed had shown most
development. I arrived at this conclusion quite soon
after my return from Stamboul, for I was interrogated
with elaborate minuteness as to my impressions of the
Sultan. I gave a fully detailed recital of what I had
seen and heard, and what inferences I drew from the
various little political intrigues going on around the
Sultan, in which so many members of his family were
compromised. I informed my superiors, further, that
there were some, though their number was limited,
who would not be sorry to see Abdul Hamid restored.
Mehmed Rechad was considered to be weak in character,
and therefore a source of danger to his country. On this
particular point I was subjected, later, to a yet closer
questioning, as, on a report being conveyed to an august
personage, he had emphatically retorted that I was mis-
taken. His words were, I was told, "Mehmed is not
weak, he only sees the weakness of his resources ; quite
a different thing, I assure you." But to return to the
original cross-examination : I was asked whether it were
true that when Abdul Hamid had been transferred
from his Salonika villa to the Palace of Beylerbey, his

Enver Pasha Holds the Key 49

brother Mehmed had paid him a visit there, remaining
in close conversation with him for a long time. I could
only confirm the truth of the rumour, adding that when
he came into the presence of his predecessor he w^as so
moved that he bent down and kissed his hand, as he had
been in the habit of doing when their positions were
reversed.

Thereafter I began to give my impressions of
the personahty of Mehmed Rechad, and to compare it
with that of Abdul Hamid. When I had finished the
remark was made, " Perhaps it is just as well for Turkey
that she has now a monarch inclined to follow other
people's advice rather than his own will. We know where
we are with the present Sultan, though this ought not
to make us neglect Abdul Hamid ; the moment may come
when it will be more advantageous for German interest
to re-establish Abdul Hamid on his throne than to
preserve good relations with Mehmed Rechad."

Continuing, the principal of my interrogators con-
cluded : '' At all events, there is one person in Constan-
tinople who wdll keep his importance for some time —
Enver Pasha. That man holds the key of the whole
situation ; he is the man to w^atch in any moment of
European complication. He can convert into concrete
actions things about which Mehmed Rechad has only
some nebulous feeling or wish that they might become
realities. It is Enver Pasha who can complete the
reorganisation of the Turkish army with the help of
German officers ; he, too, is the man to strike a blow at

50 The Near East from Within

the traditional enemy of the Ottoman Empire— ambitious
Russia ! And who knows whether this may not become
necessary for Germany's existence as well as for the
welfare of Turkey! Believe me, whatever Fate has in
store, we shall not yet see the end of Islam."

CHAPTER IV

ENVER PASHA

IT is impossible to refer to Turkey without mentioning
Enver Pasha. In recent years he has embodied the
very soul of Islamic progress. Whatever may be the
success of his policy, however much his methods may be
open to criticism, he is the supremely interesting person-
ahty in Turkey.

By his energy and opportunism this young artillery
officer, who a decade ago was comparatively if not com-
pletely unknown in international politics, has risen from
the ranks to become chief of the war administration.
Yet further, he has made himself of such political
importance that the eyes of the whole Ottoman Empire
are riveted upon him. His influence is far superior to
the Sultan's, and his power not even the Sheikh-ul-Islam,
that supreme authority of the Mohammedan world, cares
to challenge.

I first knew Enver Pasha when he occupied the
relatively modest post of Turkish military attache in
Berlin. In those days I thought him a serious, earnest
young man, desirous of instructing himself, and one
who was a most careful observer. I remember that one

51

52 The Near East from Within

evening, after some military manoeuvres, we started a
conversation that first touched on the events of the day,
and later on drifted into a discussion as to the merits of
the Turkish army. The young Moslem attache became
suddenly eloquent, and explained to me that few soldiers
had been so maligned as the Turkish fighter. " People
have become accustomed to despise us, too, as a nation,"
he said ; " it is the fashion to speak of the Turks as being
in the last stage of decay. They err; there are strong
indications of future prosperity for my country."

" It is true," he continued, " that our government is
abominable, but the moment another Sultan has replaced
the tyrannic Abdul Hamid, everything will change. We
are no longer an apathetic people. On the contrary, we
have in our midst many men who have carefully studied
social and political questions in Europe, and studied them
with the intention of bringing their knowledge to bear
upon the development of Turkey. Baksheesh, it is true,
still flourishes ; but, beUeve me, the moment Turks begin
to govern their country in earnest, Parhament no longer
will be the dead thing it is now, and the nation will have
its say in all questions affecting its destinies. In that day
baksheesh will cease to exist, at least in its present
proportions."

Enver's words verged on the melodramatic, but the
tone was full of quiet balance. He proceeded to justify,
or rather to explain, the prevalence of bribery : " What
gives it such an importance now is the number of adven-
turous foreigners who have invaded Turkey like so many

The Turkish Army 53

birds of prey. When they are cleared out things will
change, and our people will be able to initiate a policy
of moral expansion, which is all that it needs to be able
to hold its own in Europe.

'* Will you be surprised to hear that the army is far
stronger than you foreigners think? The fanaticism
which in ancient times made it perform such wonderful
deeds is far from being dead ; it only slumbers. Our men
are still ready to give themselves for the sacred cause of
Islam. What we require is generals capable of leading
them. What we want is to be at liberty to act indepen-
dently of the Great Powers. They imagine that they can
control affairs on the Bosphorus, and so far have prevented
us from contracting alliances capable of supporting our
country against the pretensions of any who want to appro-
priate our territory before even we are vanquished. The
moment that a man capable of taking our lead appears,
and is courageous enough to laugh at those who would
fain get rid of him, Turkey is saved. There will be a
very real regret, perhaps, on the part of some of her
present so-called friends if such a man is found, but I for
one," he added, " firmly believe that he will be discovered
one day."

'* Perhaps he exists already," I remarked ; " but what
chance has he in the presence of an autocrat like Abdul
Hamid, who will never admit any superiority beyond his
own?"

"Abdul Hamid is not immortal," retorted Enver
Bey, *' and, besides, events may prove too strong for him,

54 The Near East from Within

too. Suppose, for instance, that Servia and Bulgaria
were to declare war on us, he would find himself com-
pelled to have confidence in someone; he could hardly
lead his armies in the field personally. And then it would
be the victorious general who had won the battle of Islam
who would dictate, not only to the nation, but to the
Sultan himself."

" Abdul Hamid would have him murdered at once,"
I retorted.

"It is not so easy to murder a general once he is
secure in the affection of his troops," answered the young
officer, *'and military revolutions have been seen before
to-day in Turkey. We still have troops eager to be led
to victory and to be granted power. It will be with
them that Abdul Hamid will have to count, and, tyrant
though he be, he could hardly send to the gallows those
who had saved his country and his throne from foreign
aggression. Should he feel ever tempted to do so, then

— then " he paused one moment, and added very

slowly, singular pathos vibrating in his words, "there
are other members of our Imperial House able to take
upon their shoulders the burden of the State*'*

I have quoted this conversation at length because it
seems to me that it gives the note to the personality of
Enver Pasha, and proves better than a formal character-
sketch could do of what and how deeply he was thinking
even then. But he kept his thoughts to himself, and
nothing could have led those who knew him superficially
to believe that he had within him the power to become

Enver Bey and William II. 55

omnipotent in the land of his birth or even the quahties
to carry through a miUtary revohition.

I have since had serious reason to beUeve that Enver
Bey discussed these matters with the German Emperor
WiUiam II., with whom he had been in favour from his
first arrival in Berlin. William II., who had failed in his
efforts to make Abdul Hamid a will-less satellite of the
German Empire, at once saw the possibilities that could
arise out of a quiet but nevertheless palpable encourage-
ment of the ambitious, dashing young officer, who, whilst
studying the disciphne of the Prussian army, was at the
same time profiting by all that he saw, and was preparing
himself for the part which his ambition and consciousness
of ability persuaded him he could take in the conduct of
affairs in his own country.

When Enver Bey left Berlin it was with a cordial
letter of recommendation from the Emperor to Baron
Marschall von Bieberstein, who in his turn was not slow
to recognise Enver Bey's remarkable individuality and to
make a close friend of him. The intimacy lasted until
the Baron left Constantinople, some long time after the
accession of Mehmed Rechad.

When Abdul Hamid was overthrown, and the ques-
tion of his being put to death was seriously discussed,
Enver Bey was the only one who supported the German
Ambassador when the latter declared that under no
condition whatever was the life of the Sultan to be
threatened. The leader of the Young Turk party was
clever enough to guess the immense advantage that, in

56 The Near East from Within

those first days of constitutional freedom, it would be to
let it be known that he was strongly antagonistic to those
who wanted to put the Sultan to death. His insight
showed him that Abdul would be the more ready to do
his bidding if he understood that Enver was averse
to the drastic measure favoured by certain of the
revolutionaries.

Gossip was very busy in Constantinople with the
doings and sayings of Enver Bey for a long time, and
his name came to be associated more than once with that
of the beautiful Princess Mediha Sultane, who frequently
had been heard to express herself in enthusiastic terms
about him. Enver Bey was a handsome, fascinating
man, well read, highly cultivated, and with wonderfully
attractive manners. Notwithstanding the restrictions of
harem life, he had made more than one feminine conquest
in Stamboul. Fully aware that he was more feared and
distrusted than liked by his comrades, the young officer
tried to engage the sympathies of their wives, in the hope
this course might prove usefid to him in the future. He
was not mistaken.

When Enver Bey put himself at the head of the con-
spiracy which aimed at the overthrow of Abdul Hamid, it
was through the influence of the Princess Mediha that he
was able to organise it. She visited the German Embassy
when it was not prudent for Enver to be seen there. He
knew that every movement he made was watched, and
had to resort to many subterfuges in order to baffle the
curiosity of spies; and this would not have been easy if

Ideals for the Army 57

he had not been helped by the many intermediaries he
had managed to secure among the fair sex.

When, some months after the first upheaval, Abdul
Hamid had been deprived of his throne, it was thought
that Enver Bey would at once become a personage of
vastly greater importance — that honours and dignities
would be showered upon him — nothing of the kind
occurred. He remained a simple officer ; and though his
position in the army became stronger and stronger, he
was not offered any substantial reward for his services
by the new Sultan. Nor did he seek official recognition ;
his was a deeper ambition.

Enver Bey was aware, too, that Mehmed Rechad dis-
hked him, and feared him not a little. The determination
and imperiousness of Enver Bey always made timid little
Rechad feel uncomfortable. He therefore tried to keep
him as far as possible from his person, out of the dread,
perhaps, that Enver Bey might be tempted to cause his
overthrow as he had in the case of Abdul Hamid. He
need have had no anxiety. Enver Bey had matters of
much more personal importance to occupy him than the
dethronement of the Sultan whom his fancy had put upon
the throne.

Vast plans absorbed him ; projects which went far into
the future. Enver Bey wanted to reform the army, and
to reawaken the martial spirit which had lain dormant
during the reign of Abdul Hamid. He had faith in
the worth of the Turkish soldier, and he was aware
that Moslem fanaticism only needed the opportunity to

58 The Near East from Within

blaze forth anew. His frequent journeys abroad had made
him very well aware of the dark designs nourished against
Turkey by Bulgaria and Servia, and also of Russia's sym-
pathy with Slav ideals in the Balkan Peninsula. He
had had occasion to talk with shrewd Tsar Ferdinand of
Bulgaria, and had learned of his aspirations to become a
great and powerful Emperor and to enter the Cathedral
of St. Sophia as the Christian Sovereign destined to
restore that ancient shrine to the Christian faith. Enver
Bey did not sympathise with the idea, and quietly deter-
mined to prevent its ever becoming a reality should he
perceive signs of Ferdinand making a move toward the
reahsation of the dream. He did not wait even till activity
was manifested in that direction, but immediately set to
work to strengthen the military defence of Turkey.

When the Balkan War of 1912 broke out, and he found
the Ottoman soldiers giving way before the Bulgars and
Serbs, he thought it time to interfere. The Turks were
yielding ground they should have defended to the last,
and the precipitancy with w^hich they accepted defeat
scandalised him. He therefore decided to assert himself.

Curiously enough, just at this time certain Ministers
who were not favourably disposed to the progressive
methods of Enver Bey were attacked in broad daylight
in one of the most frequented parts of Constantinople.
I think some were killed ; one was, at any rate, and
another seriously injured.

Thereafter it became easier for Enver Bey to make
felt the power of his influence, and in a very brief time

A Grudge Against Russia 59

he became virtually the master of Turkey. His first
efforts were in the direction of the army. Convinced
that the peace signed at Bucharest would not be lasting,
and suspecting that before long a European war was
bound to break out, he wisely assumed that, properly
utilised, such a war might prove the salvation of Turkey.
Imbued with this idea, he worked without intermission
at the reorganisation of the army. He allowed it to be
bullied, punished, insulted even, by its Teutonic chiefs ;
but at the same time he kept dangling before its eyes
the vision of a time when Islam would once more raise
its head and re-establish itself in the proud position it
once held in the eyes of the world.

Enver Bey had always cherished a grudge against
Russia, and the more intently, therefore, he watched
the developments of the crisis that culminated in the
Great War which broke out in August, 1914. From his
retreat on the banks of the Bosphorus, Enver Bey kept
himself informed of what was going on in the world, and
did not even attempt to hide his sympathies for the
German cause. He sent secret messengers to Berlin with
an offer of service to the Kaiser, declarmg to him that
the forces of Turkey were at his disposal, provided he
gave his promise that the independence of that Empire
would be respected. And when he saw that neither
Russia nor England had taken him seriously, he resolutely
crossed the Rubicon and declared on his own account,
because none of his colleagues would follow him on such
sHppery ground, that he was going to fight side by side

6o The Near East from Within

with his Austrian and German friends until his beloved
Turkey had been restored to her former splendours.

I have been asked sometimes what I thought would
be the future of Enver Pasha. I can hardly bring myself
to think that he will ever die in his bed like an ordinary
mortal ; the hatred which he has created and the aversion
which he inspires precludes this possibility in such a
country as Turkey. In the meantime, I feel that a man
with such soaring ambitions w^ould hardly find the con-
summation of his desire in the restoration of Turkey to
its ancient greatness ; he would not be human if he has
not nursed in the silence of his soul the hope ta be
able to do more than stand at the head of that army he
has contrived to rouse out of its apathy. I feel perfectly
sure that Enver Pasha has not forgotten for an instant
the vow of vengeance he registered on the day when the
soldiers of the foe entered the sacred walls of Adrianople,
and out of which he was to drive them with such energy.

The general feeling after the cessation of the Balkan
wars was that Turkey would be occupied for many years
to come in the rehabilitation and reorganisation of her
fighting forces. And she certainly did enter into that
work with zeal. But it was not to be for so long as
people predicted, nor was the recuperative power of the
Turkish hosts so feeble as was generally assumed. No
one dreamed that in a comparatively few months Turkey
could have sincerely believed that she had disciplined her
army to the extent of making it fit to acquit itself well in
another encounter. Nevertheless, this is what happened.

Troops Secretly Trained 6i

and, as the Russians found out, the first conflicts were
not entirely to the disadvantage of the defenders of Islam.
Enver Pasha had been a wise man in his generation ; and
while the world deluded itself with the thought that
he was absorbed by innumerable palace intrigues, with
secret cunning he had arranged for masses of troops to
be trained by German officers forming part of the new
mission headed by General Liman von Sanders in the
plains of Asia Minor, where there was no one to tell the
world of the rapid progress he felt convinced they would
make. His hopes were not unrealised, and excellently
well-instructed and well-equipped troops went forward to
the Russian frontier.

Yet another question has been asked me by some —
How far was the German Emperor cognisant of the
military propaganda of Enver Pasha .^ It would be
unfair to William II. to say that he was ignorant of the
plans of Enver Pasha in this respect, or that either of
them failed to foresee the value of military efficiency in
the region of the Black Sea, where Russian strength of
arms was not great, and facilities for the rapid transit
of reinforcements on the Russian side inadequate to meet
a sudden emergency. It would seem almost that the
contingency had been very carefully catered for.

CHAPTER V

RUSSIAN INFLUENCE IN CONSTANTINOPLE

TONG before my first visit to Turkey I had been led to
■*— ' believe that all questions affecting the welfare of the
Turkish Empire were substantially controlled from Petro-
grad, or Petersburg as it was then. So firmly rooted was
the power wielded by Russia at the Sublime Porte that
even the war of 1877 had been unable to shake its domin-
ance, though the findings of the Berlin Congress certainly
narrowed its range. How that influence waned and was
latterly undermined is one of the object lessons of modern
history. Another long-held belief was that the Christian
communities in Pera, Galata and elsewhere, looked to
the Tsar as their natural protector. In the eyes of the
rival embassies, indeed, Russia was the bugbear that
everyone seemed to dread and whom all decided it were
wise to watch.

My astonishment was the greater, therefore, on arriv-
ing in Constantinople in 1888, to find that Russia was
fast losing ground in Stamboul, and that the Christian
population, though giving outward deference to the
Romanoffs, looked far more hopefully toward Bulgaria

as the defender of their interests, should anything

62

Significant Amenities 63

untoward happen. The days when the word of Ignatieff
was law had vanished, and to all appearance there was
little likelihood of their return.

At first I felt shy at these discoveries, and was reluct-
ant to make even a distant allusion to them in conversing
with officials of the different embassies or among my
friends and acquaintances. I could not help noticing how
much care was taken always to solicit and listen respect-
fully to the opinion of the Russian diplomats, and yet,
too, with what unanimity no heed was taken of the advice
tendered on financial and economic matters. I was not
slow to observe, also, that whereas the invitations to the
Russian Embassy were always accepted, apologies and
regrets were sent at the last moment from an embarrass-
ingly large proportion of those in diplomatic circles.
There was significance in both circumstances.

During my roamings about the city in the first days
of my stay I found myself in Pera, where the Greek
community reigns supreme, and whence the majority of
the revolutionary movements of the last quarter of a
century have emanated. As my knowledge of these folk
increased, and I made acquaintance with certain of their
number, it was borne in upon my notice that the import-
ance of Russia as a factor to count with, or upon, had
dwindled almost to vanishing point. The Latin Church
was under the wing of France, but the Greek Orthodox
Church, which of old had always looked to Russia, was
becoming more and more inclined to transfer her affec-
tions. After the war of the 'seventies Count Ignatieff

64 The Near East from Within

had not been sparing of his promises to conserve the rights
of the Greek Christians, but as time went on they were
forced to the reaUsation that their most precious interests
were either overlooked or forgotten. Consequently
Russia lost prestige, and gradually an estrangement set
in. The leaders of the Greek Church in the Ottoman
Empire began to lend ear to voices from Belgrade and
Athens, and especially from Sofia, whence was whispered
the possibility of securing through that channel their
long-dreamed deliverance from the hamperings of the
Turkish yoke.

Had Russia been wise after the peace of San Stefano
she would have taken particular care that she was always
represented at the SubUme Porte by men who thoroughly
understood the situation and were sufficiently quick of
perception and bold in initiative to divert the tide of
religious feeling back into its old channels. Unfortunately
she did not. Prince Lobanoff lacked energy; M.
Zinovieff , though really a clever man, had little influence ;
M. Nelidoff was too old; and M. de Giers, who was in
diplomatic charge at the time war was declared against
the Allies in 1914, was not blessed either with rapid
decision or abnormal foresight.

Greece and Bulgaria speedily took advantage of the
laxity of Russian interest to advance their own cause
among the Christians by lending a ready ear to the com-
plaints against the Sublime Porte. Bulgaria especially
was active in this propaganda. It had its own religious
hierarchy, and Ferdinand aspired to be accredited as the

A Struggle of Creeds 65

supreme protector of the Orthodox Christian Church in
the Near East.

With this in view the priesthood had worked very
cleverly to sap the old traditions by reason of which
Russia had maintained a privileged position in the whole
of the Levant, as the redresser of the wrongs, not only
of her own people, but also of all the other non-Moslem
religious communities in Constantinople. The friendliness
of the Tsar Ferdinand and his mother, the late Princess
Clementine of Coburg, toward the Jesuits who gathered
in Bulgaria from the Austrian Roman Catholic communi-
ties, made much easier the underground work on the
part of Bulgaria which characterised the last decade of
the nineteenth century and the opening years of the
twentieth.

This struggle of the Roman and Greek faiths became
more intricate by the intervention of Greece. On the
question of religious influence there was constant friction
between Bulgaria and the Government at Athens, which
fought for the extension of the privileges already enjoyed
by the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople. Between the
activities of these two rivals Russia began to lose prestige.
She seemed, indeed, to be renouncing of her own free
will her long-existing paternal interest in the Christian
communities. Her indifference was more than short-
sighted, because it would mean that any interest hence-
forward manifested by Russia on behalf of the Slav
nationalities in the Balkan peninsula would be purely
political in tinge, and as such subject to be contested by

66 The Near East from Within

the Balkan races themselves, who were quite willing to
be amenable to the Tsar of Russia for their religious
freedom, but who certainly would never allow their
political movements to be directed by Nicholas II. — or
anyone else than themselves.

I have dwelt at some length on this point because it
is really the key to the modern situation. The principal
object which justified the presence of Russia in the Near
East was the protection which she had given from time
immemorial to the Christian subjects of the Sultan.
Having allowed her influence to wane, opportunity was
afforded for all sorts of possibilities, and there were those
who were not slow to perceive the trend of affairs. The
Emperor William II. was early aware of the developing
situation, and during his visit to the Sultan gathered the
views of the leading members of the Christian communities
of Constantinople. It did not escape his notice that their
allegiance toward Russia was considerably shaken. The
German Emperor never lost sight of that momentous
circumstance, and when in later years events brought a
closer intercourse with Ferdinand of Bulgaria, my reading
of the chain of events is that William II. advised him to
concentrate his energies upon the task of ousting Russia,
thereby to clear the path for the attainment of Ferdinand's
dearest wish — to be proclaimed Emperor of a Christian
Turkey.

Ferdinand was only too willing to accept the hint, and
immediately set to work to initiate with energy and success
the policy which conceivably would have brought about

A Secret Understanding (y^j

the realisation of his hopes, had it not been for the timely
support given to Servia by Nicholas II. of Russia.

It is not generally known that when the second Balkan
War broke out, between Bulgaria, Servia, and Greece,
that Servia entered into a secret understanding with the
Russian Government. The affair was negotiated by one
of M. Pashitch's intimate friends, M. Guentchitch, a
former Servian Minister, who spent the greater part of
the summer of 1913 in Petersburg. This fact did not
remain secret from Berlin, where it was recognised b)^
William II. as a pronounced danger to his Near Eastern
policy. To nullify the effectiveness of this agreement
between Servia and Russia, the German Emperor lost
no time in paving the way to a reconciliation between
Ferdinand and Mohammed V., with the idea of convincing
them that their nmtual interests could best be served by
annihilating Russian influence in regions of the Black Sea
not within her own territory.

Baron von Wangenheim, who followed Baron Mar-
schall von Bieberstein at the Sublime Porte, was at pains
to ingratiate himself with the new Sultan and his advisers,
nor did he omit to cultivate the goodwill of Abdul. All
this resulted in furthering the aims of German diplomacy
in Constantinople to the detriment of Russian influence.

During my last sojourn in Turkey, in the early part
of 1913, I had occasion to call on M. de Giers, the Russian
Ambassador. He very cordially invited me to dine with
him, and over coffee we found ourselves discussing the
burning questions of the day. My host evinced a supreme

68 The Near East from Within

confidence in the achievements of European diplomacy,
by which not only had a general war been averted, but
its likelihood banished for ever. M. de Giers was too
optimistic. He committed the error of not looking
beyond the moment, and while not devoid of a goodly
share of natural intelligence, had nevertheless cultivated
the habit of never venturing any decisive step upon his
own responsibility.

Almost as soon as he arrived in Turkey he was credited
to have made the remark that he would not allow himself
to be inveigled into intrigue. His attitude rather empha-
sised that it was extremely probable such a declaration
had fallen from his lips. The welcoming advances made
by various of the Bulgarian leaders and by representative
men of the Greek community were received most coldly,
and altogether he conveyed the impression to the Sublime
Porte that he considered he had no right to concern him-
self with questions affecting the internal administration
of the Turkish Empire, and that the sole object of his
presence was to keep on good terms with the Government
to which he was accredited. To that end M. de Giers
made much of his social duties. He had an excellent cook,
entertained with lavish hospitality, and in his deportment
was the essence of politeness.

So far as my own observation went, and from opinions
expressed to me as I went about among the members of
the various embassies, I felt satisfied that M. de Giers
never gave serious thought to the possibihty of a Prusso-
Turkish alliance. It being part of my field of inquiry to

Diplomatic Myopia 69

keep an alert eye on anything which tended to reveal the
fluctuations of opinion respecting German influence, my
senses became attuned, as it were, to a fine pitch of per-
ception. As a consequence I generally found my conclu-
sions were justified by events. Thus, when the Russian
Ambassador opposed the appointment of General Liman
von Sanders as the virtual head of the Turkish army, he
most certainly did so more out of deference to his French
colleague than from any conviction that the episode might
mean anything which in the future could prove dangerous
to his own country. He believed that Turkey was too
weak ever to provoke a war with Russia, and that her
army was too disorganised to give her any hope of holding
her own. More than that, he was persuaded of the
unbroken continuity and undiminished strength of the
friendly feehngs the Ottoman Government entertained
for the Tsar. If there were any doubt on the subject,
it was, to his mind, banished for ever by the fact that a
special mission was sent by the Sultan to greet the Tsar
on the last visit he made to Livadia in the Crimea. That,
to him, was complete justification of his faith.

In the course of our evening together, on the occasion
already referred to, M. de Giers frequently alluded to
the topic of Moslem friendship, and seemed sUghtly
surprised when, with the object of inducing him to reveal
himself more fully, I expressed doubt.

" Why should Turkey not like us?" he asked. *' We
are her nearest neighbour, and we certainly do not desire
the fall of the Ottoman Empire, nor even a diminution

70 The Near East from Within

of its power. We certainly are not delighted to see her
have German instructors, but that has nothing to do with
our sentiments for her on the broad plane. We also could
send officers just as clever and as conscientious to train
her troops."

" Pardon my emphasis," I replied, " but do you ever
feel that there may arrive a moment when international
complications might tempt Turkey to throw herself
against you in the hope of getting back some of her lost
provinces? In such a situation it would be very natural
for Turkey to do so."

"Ah, yes," replied the ambassador; "yes, but you
can take it from me no general complications will occur,
at any rate not for a long time to come. A few months
ago we were very near to war, but now I really do not
see what could bring it about. I do not think that any
monarch in Europe would dare to risk such an adventure.
Do not you think, too, that the fevered armaments which
are being multiplied on every hand are the best guarantee
that we have entered into a period of long peace?"

" You may be right, of course," was my reply, " but
have you thought that these very armaments may become
an insufferable burden, and that one or other of the
nations may feel compelled to declare war in order to
prevent the financial strain such tremendous armaments
involves making life intolerable to its peoples?"

M. de Giers looked at me with the expression of a
veteran instructing a novice, a wealth of self-satisfaction
modulating his voice.

A False Security 71

" Ah ! how one sees that you are not a diplomat by
profession," he said. "No, beheve iiie, we are in no
danger of clouds obscuring the European sky ; you may
rest content on that point."

I refrained from disturbing the confiding ambassador's
security, but wondered in the secret of my soul what made
him so unobservant of the grave events that were taking
place imder his very eyes.

CHAPTER VI

GERMAN PRESTIGE IN THE NEAR EAST

ENOUGH has been told in earlier chapters to give
insight into the activities and character of German
diplomacy in the Near East. Russia's satisfaction in the
preponderating reality of her own influence was Ger-
many's opportunity, and, setting aside any discussion
of ethical standards, it is to be doubted whether any
diplomatist of any country would have refrained from
taking advantage of the situation, to the benefit of his
own nation at the expense of Russia.

As we have seen, Germany had always been vigilant
and enterprising, and so was easily first in the field.
While others were satisfied with themselves, Germany
sought out means of making for herself a position in the
Levant, and by using methods which appealed to Turkish
minds she succeeded.

A considerable factor in the rapidity with which
Teutonic influence gained ground was that the servants
of the Fatherland set themselves to understand the
intricacies of the Oriental mind, and so ordered their
conduct that a minimum of friction arose. In this the

Emperor William II. himself was not behind his minis-

72

An Emperor's Pilgrimage 73

ters. His study of the Turk enabled him to follow to
perfection his mental and moral tortuousness. It also
guided him in his demeanour toward the Moslem.
Appreciating to a nicety how far the Turk is glamoured
by display and grandiloquence, he adjusted the details of
his memorable visits to different domains of Moham-
medanism on the Mediterranean. Even the smallest
incidents were carefully prepared in advance, with regard
to the impressions the Emperor desired to make.

A notable instance was the pilgrimage of William II.
to the Holy Land. When he arrived within sight of the
walls of Jerusalem he asked to be shown the exact spot
whence tradition holds that Godfrey de Bouillon obtained
his first sight of the Holy City. It being pointed out,
he stood for some time gazing on the sacred city, and
then expressed a desire to erect a monument on the spot,
"Because," he added, "it is fitting that a memorial to
perpetuate the name of the first king of Jerusalem should
be raised by the first German sovereign who had been
able to walk in his footsteps."

The same Turkish dignitary, attached to the suite of
the German Emperor, who told me this incident, also
revealed a remarkable proposal William II. made when
he paid reverence to the sanctity of the Church of the
Holy Sepulchre. As visitors know, a holy calm is by
no means the prevailing atmosphere, and continual strife
goes on within the sanctuary between the various religious
communities. To the Emperor it savoured of something
akin to sacrilege that the maintenance of order in the

74 The Near East from Within

most holy spot of Christendom should be in the hands
of Mohammedans, and so he made the extraordinary
inquiry of the pasha who was acting as cicerone whether
he thought it would be possible to obtain from the Sultan
the cession to Germany of the city of Jerusalem, includ-
ing the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in order that he
might guard it against desecration. " It is not seemly
that the tomb of Christ should be the scene of continual
strife. If the Sultan would consent to make Germany
the custodian of Jerusalem, all these painful incidents
would cease. Were his desire fulfilled," was the argu-
ment, "tranquillity would be restored among the rival
Christian guides who roam about the sacred precincts and
quarrel over the plundering of tourists and pilgrims."

With such zeal did the German Emperor prosecute
this new idea which had inflamed his mind that, despite
the assurance of the pasha in question that the Sultan
would never lend himself to such a scheme, William II.
had the matter taken up by his Foreign Office. The
impracticability of such a proposal being seriously put
forward was so patent to the officials in Wilhelmstrasse
that the Imperial suggestion was transmitted to the
Sublime Porte in such language that the authorities
accepted the hint and found no difficulty in returning
a decided refusal couched in polite terms.

This policy of pomp was also seen in active operation
when William II. went to Morocco. By his lavish display
of the gorgeous trappings of royalty, his simulation of
reverence for Mohammedan devotions, and his prodigal

William II. Amongst Moors 75

distribution of baksheesh, he achieved a vociferous
populju'ity among the Moors. He was certainly success-
ful in producing the impression that he was a strong
and powerful monarch. He showed himself extremely
amiable to all with whom he came into contact. In the
course of his tour he conversed with many Arabs and
natives, particularly on the quality of their friendship
toward France.

On the day he left the usual complimentary speeches
were made. That of the German Emperor was felicitous,
and it contained some portentous phrases which were not
made public ; they were rash words, lightly spoken, but
capable of sinister construction by those not well disposed
to the Emperor. He brought his little speech to a close
with these words : "I am going home delighted with
my visit, but I will not say good-bye. I will hope that
soon I may be able to come back, no longer as a visitor,
but as the ally of the great Turkish Sultan and as the
best friend and protector of Islam."

Some such sentiment as this he also expressed at the
conclusion of his tour in the Holy Land a few years
earlier. The underlying spirit of these incidents is a con-
sciousness of the value to Germany of Turkish friendship,
or at any rate her complacency. William II. was con-
vinced of the benefit his empire would derive, if certain
potentialities developed, from an alliance with Turkey and
Mohammedanism, and, whatever other nationalities may
think of his actions, he was patriotic enough — sometimes
to the point of unwisdom — to plan always for the future

76 The Near East from Within

in his acts and sayings. Looking backward over the years
of his reign, every observant student of pohtical evolution
must discern the truth of this assertion. The German
Emperor was not in close sympathy with either the Sultan
of Turkey or the Sultan of Morocco, but his far sight
recognised the value of Moslem friendship should ever
Russia make a definite stand against the growth of Ger-
man influence in the Balkans or become fearful of the
undoubted dominance which Germany had secured in
Turkish miUtary administration. To have a Turkish fleet
bombarding Odessa, or a Holy War proclaimed in the
region of the Caucasus, would denude Russia of necessary
troops for the western frontiers — and that would be a
trump card.

This line of thought is admittedly in the realm of the
unprovable, but its improbability was by no means so
illusory. Indeed, it was well known in certain circles
in Berlin that of recent years the German Emperor had
the fixed idea that whereas there was no manifest reason
why he should go to war with Russia, yet it was inevitable
that at some time a conflict would be precipitated, and
that the contingency was not made more remote by the
existence of the Franco-Russian entente. In the financial
circles of Berlin such a conviction was strongly held, and
inclined leading financiers to listen with favour to schemes
and concessions involving large monetary speculations in
Turkish regions, but promising exceedingly rich rewards
to German trade and industry.

The Turkish upheaval, which culminated in the

A Temporary Eclipse 77

deposition of Abdul Haniid, did not interfere with
German designs ; indeed, the accession of Mehmed
Rechad and the rise to power of Enver Pasha were
circumstances which tended to estabUsh on a still firmer
basis German influence in Turkey. As the world knows,
German prestige suffered a temporary eclipse three or
four years ago, but far less harm than is generally
imagined was done to German influence, which is very
different from prestige. It occasioned little surprise,
therefore, to those who knew how the current was
running under the surface that, when war broke out
between Turkey and her Slav neighbours, Enver Bey, as
he was then, requested William II. to permit a number
of German officers to take active part in the conflict.
They were allowed to do so, and their efforts followed
with close interest. When Adrianople fell, it is public
knowledge that the German Emperor telegraphed his
regrets to the Sultan. What is not known outside
a narrow circle of higher political agents is that the
royal telegram also included the following astonishing
sentiment :

" I do not despair that within a very short time the
ancient shrine of Islam will be again in the possession of
Your Majesty, and Your Majesty may rest assured that
I shall do all that lies within my power in order that it
should be so."

To explain that the telegram was in cipher is
unnecessary.

During the discussion of the treaty of peace the

78 The Near East from Within

German Ambassador in London received strict instruc-
tions to insist upon Adrianople remaining in the posses-
sion of the Turks, and after the war which broke out
and automatically settled the vexed question, William II.
secured — some say compelled — the acceptance of a new
military mission. This mission had extraordinary powers,
but it was not commanded by Field-Marshal von der
Goltz. The Emperor was displeased with him. He may
have felt that the lost prestige referred to a few sentences
earlier was because von der Goltz had not been sufficiently
diligent in furthering the cause of Germany.

Be that as it may, it was discovered that Marshal
Liman von Sanders was entrusted with the mission. In
Berlin it was said that von Sanders' farewell audience
with the Emperor occupied considerably more time than
usual. Gossip among a well-informed few went so far
as to say that the gist of the conversation was the means
whereby a definite aUiance between Turkey and the
Fatherland was to be brought about, and that the General
went out to Turkey in the belief that such a consumma-
tion would benefit the Ottoman Empire to a far greater
extent than Germany.

I knew Marshal Liman von Sanders. He was a most
amiable man, full of quiet tact, with excellent manners,
wide military knowledge, and a thorough understanding
of the duties he felt himself called upon to perform.
When he arrived in Turkey he set himself to work at
once, and with sagacious diplomacy handled the delicate
situation with considerable skill. He was well aware that

Marshal Liman von Sanders 79

his was a perilous path — many Turks looked askance at
him, and even those who warmly supported the idea of
a German alliance were decidedly restive at the fate of
the Turkish army being left so completely in his hands.
His difficulties were accentuated by his inability to speak
the Turkish language, and he did not know sufficient of
his subordinates to feel quite happy in trusting them with
his confidence. Nevertheless, with true Teutonic energy
he applied himself to the tasks of overcoming the various
obstacles and achieving a greater measure of success even
than his predecessor had wrested from circumstance. In
co-operation with Enver Bey he conceived the idea of
training the troops away from the eyes of Constantinople,
and accordingly conducted his operations in the remote-
ness of Asia Minor, where progress could not be watched
and noted by interested observers. Here his assiduity
was rewarded, and, so far as efficiency in drill and marks-
manship are concerned, the standards of the German
military system were maintained. How far in actual
warfare the Mohammedan army would stand the test was
then on the knees of the gods. One difficulty, however,
was never overcome, and that was the latent hostility
always felt by the Turkish troops at being commanded
by " those Christian dogs."

In other directions than the organisation of the army
Germany found scope for exercising her gift of persever-
ance. It is noteworthy that from the highest diplomatic
official down to the humblest civil servant Berlin seldom
erred in her selection. One and all were solicitous of the

8o The Near East from Within

progress of Germany, knew what was expected of them,
and did their best to justify the confidence reposed in

them.

It is httle to be wondered that the consequence was
that, while Russia decUned in prestige, German influence
daily grew more powerful. Constantinople was becoming
persuaded of the greatness of Germany, of her paramount
strength in the world, and, the greatest asset of all, of
her fidelity to those whom she counted as friends. Ger-
man trade and German industry gained considerably
through that policy, and German manufactures ousted
from the Turkish markets those of other countries.
England maintained her lead, but showed exceedingly
little increase in the volume of trade, while Germany
progressed by leaps and bounds until, as compared with
thirty years ago, her exports to Turkey showed more
than a hundredfold increase. Great Britain suddenly
awoke to a realisation of the fact that the bulk of the
business arising out of the development of commercial
facilities in Turkey was going in the direction of Ger-
many, that the Teuton had taken for his own advantages
that which the Englishman had become accustomed to
consider exclusively his prerogative.

Not only in England but in other European countries
a very real concern was exhibited at the vast expansion
of German interests in the Near East, not so much at
the capture of the trade, but at the circumstances which
made it possible. Diplomats and consuls engaged them-
selves in fathoming the causes which had contributed to

Prodigal Bribery 8i

the rapid and wide development, and out of these inquiries
grew a friction which led to strategy and provocation in
various directions. The uneasiness created was still
agitating the various influences at work to secure lost
ground, or to maintain the position gained, as the case
might be, when the possibility of war began to be
discussed.

It is true that Germany lost considerable prestige
and England seemed to have scored a diplomatic victory
during the last days of Baron von MarschalFs reign at
the German Embassy, but the circumstance only served
to provide further stimulation to German efforts, and in
ways known to themselves they were able ere long to
emerge from the cloud as powerful as ever.

I am satisfied that this conviction of progress and
energy and virility which German diplomats were able
to convey to the minds of high Turkish officials was no
small factor in bringing the Sublime Porte to the decision
that they were safe in making with Germany an alliance
not less real because not officially ratified in the eyes of
Europe. To the Turk the Germans were the masters
of the West, a belief strengthened by the prodigality
with which Berlin poured gold into the lap of Turkey.

An intercepted document which came into my keep-
ing in 1914 I have before me at this very moment. It
is in the handwriting of one who was on terms of close
friendship with William I., but who has never approved
of the ethical ideas of the old Emperor's grandson. This
long indictment of German overtures in the Near East,

82 The Near East from Within

for such it is, avouched that the great reason of the
SubHme Porte being wiUing to listen to German proposals
was that only Germany had raised no difficulty whenever
Turkey wanted money. The Ottoman Empire had nearly
exhausted any credit she had in France and England, or
other European countries, and her negotiations with
America had not been crowned with success. Germany
proved the solitary exception, and purses were opened
to Turkey with an alacrity which ought to have made
her suspicious of what lurked behind such apparently
disinterested friendship and generosity. Unfortunately,
Turkish statesmen were unable to see this. Maybe they
feigned blindness, for there are those who say that no
matter what amount of solid cash the Sublime Porte
receives, half of it goes into private pockets. Whatever
the reason, the fact remains that Turkey complacently
allowed the net to be woven round her. In this way,
the document states, the German Emperor prepared his
ground for an easy assent on the part of Turkey to a
definite alliance. His foresight had enabled him to plan
for such an issue long before it was generally recognised
how acute the Balkan situation might become. When,
therefore, Europe awoke to the danger a mid-European
conflagration might prove to the greater nations, Ger-
many had already strongly entrenched herself in the
friendship of Turkey, and so gained for herself a position
which would materially benefit her dispositions should she
become involved in a conflict.

More than that transpired from the narrative unfolded

Immediately Before the War 83

in the document from which I have been quoting. What
follows is of vital moment, as it refers to a period
immediately before the war. The writer flatly charges
William II. with a determination to bring about a
rupture. The German Emperor was apprehensive that
Russia would not make good her support of Servia, and
therefore sent a confidential messenger to *' suggest to
Tsar Ferdinand at Sofia that, in case of a conciliatory
attitude being adopted by the Russian Government, he
would find it to his advantage to invade Servian
territory."

I have given the exact words just as they were set
down. *' These overtures," the document proceeds,
"were received in a friendly spirit, but Ferdinand
declared that circumstances forced him to an extreme
reserve. In the face of public opinion in Bulgaria, it
would be impossible for him to follow out the suggestion ;
but, should any ' Servian insolence ' be demonstrated,
Bulgarians would certainly back up any firm attitude he
chose to adopt. In any case," the Tsar of Bulgaria is
purported to have said, " I cannot prophesy what is going
to happen, but the question of the neutrality of Bulgaria
need not be raised until the precipitation of a conflict
makes the matter of interest to Europe. And even then
it will not need discussing till later stages are reached ;
at such a period our neutrality may be more than a pawn
in the game."

To come back to matters within my personal know-
ledge, I was in Berlin when, a short time before the war,

84 The Near East from Within

Enver Pasha paid a flying visit to Wilhelmstrasse. I
spent an hour with him before he left again for Con-
stantinople. He seemed unusually bright and happy, in
brisk spirits, and expecting great things for his country
in the immediate future.

For some time, he told me, secret emissaries of Turkey
had been working on the feelings of the Mohammedan
population of the Caucasus, doing their best to destroy
every feeling of respect for Russia. In Batoum, he said,
speaking with greater freedom doubtless from his know-
ledge that I was a political agent, arms and ammunition
had been distributed to the natives. It was certain, too,
that the inhabitants of the Black Sea littoral had been
won over, and only awaited the opportunity to declare
themselves in favour of the Turkish cause ; while the
Armenians, aggrieved at Russia's neglect, would not lift
a little finger to save her. " Russia," added Enver Pasha,
" has lost the sympathies of every Slav nation in the
Balkans except Montenegro and Servia." Continuing,
'' At present," he said, "Turkey is strongly enthusiastic
over Germany."

When Enver Pasha left Berlin at the conclusion of
his secret visit, I took him to the station. I had grown
to like the young officer, notwithstanding his many fail-
ings and soaring ambitions. He told me he had had a
long talk with the Emperor, and he seemed particularly
cheerful in consequence. More than once I have won-
dered what bearing that talk had upon subsequent events
on the Bosphorus. Undoubtedly, with such a man as

A Significant Note 85

Enver Pasha, the situation in the Near East would have
been uppermost, and he would be quite unlikely to have
neglected the opportunity of a frank conversation with
the Emperor William. Indeed, it seems to me that the
visit to the German Emperor was more in the nature of
a prearranged consultation than a fugitive opportunity
avidly seized. My curiosity was yet further excited when
I received by the same mail which announced that
Turkey had joined in the war a note in the handwriting
of Enver Pasha, containing few but trenchant words :
" The hour has struck. May Allah help us."

CHAPTER VII

AMBASSADORS AT THE SUBLIME PORTE

APOLITICAL agent enjoys more freedom than does
a diplomat. There is less restraint, and, if he is
not averse to the small change of social gossip, finds
life full of variety. Without conceit I can say that,
when the call of service led me afar, on my return to
Constantinople I found that I had not been forgotten
during the years of my absence. The purpose of these
remarks is not, however, to emphasise my own popularity,
but to justify the statement that I was the recipient of
many a whispered drawing-room confidence, which, added
to my own knowledge and observation, has afforded
sufficient groundwork for giving some outline of the
personalities of the various diplomatic figures who have
held office in Constantinople.

More than ordinary interest attached to the embassies
in Constantinople because the political atmosphere was
always charged with possibilities which relieved diplomatic
life on the Bosphorus from any suspicion of monotony.
It was the aim, therefore, of ambitious young men to
become associated with the embassy of their particular

nation for the sake of the experience to be gained in the

86

Baron von Radowitz 87

conduct of modern state politics. This, and the fact that
the fashionable resorts near the Turkish capital were
altogether delightful during the summer months, and in
consequence attracted many notable people, made Con-
stantinople a point of observation of unusual interest.

For a considerable period Baron von Radowitz repre-
sented Germany at the Sublime Porte. He was a
charming man, bright in manner, and clever in matters
of diplomacy. Although old Prince Gortschakov always
asserted that the Baron was a muddler, nevertheless von
Radowitz managed to do substantial work for his country.
It is undoubted that Baron von Radowitz laid the founda-
tions upon which, later, was built the close friendship
between William II. and Sultan Abdul Hamid. This
achievement was the more remarkable inasmuch as
previously the relations between Germany and Turkey
had been cool. The student of history will need no
telling that Prince Bismarck never kept secret the pro-
found contempt he felt for the Turk, and this feeling
was shared and expressed throughout Germany. Nor was
the Sublime Porte ignorant of the fact.

When William ascended the throne and initiated
his policy of cultivating the friendship of Turkey, his
ambassador found ample scope for the exercise of his
diplomatic gifts. It was certain no "muddler" could
hope to succeed. Incidentally, he had a tremendously
hard time of it at first. Von der Goltz, it is true, had
been at work with the army, but that as yet was no great
influence, and the Turks were quite willing to accept

88 The Near East from Within

favours without extending a reciprocal friendship. In
spite of all, and in the face of the added difficulty that
he had to perform his task without raising suspicion that
it was in progress, Baron von Radowitz contrived to
impress upon the Turk that he, at least, held kindly feel-
ings toward them. From this first step, by assiduous
cultivation of the right people, he was able to bring the
Sublime Porte to consider that Germany was a friend
worth having, and that he himself was finding some
measure of success in his indefatigable efforts to eradicate
from the minds of his colleagues at Wilhelmstrasse the
"false impression " — the Baron's own delightful euphem-
ism— which, much to his regret, had hitherto prevailed.
If for nothing else, the service von Radowitz rendered
to his country by turning the mind of the Turk toward
Germany gives his name high place on the scroll of
diplomatic fame. Had he failed, who knows what may
have been the relations between the two countries to-day ?
When William II. made his triumphal journey to Con-
stantinople in 1889, it was a triumph also for the Baron.
Some measure of the popularity enjoyed by Baron von
Radowitz was owing to his wife. She was a Russian by
birth, and an vmusually charming woman. Together the
Baron and his wife made the German Embassy a centre
of social enjoyment, for von Radowitz himself was a
perfect host, accomplished, entertaining, and a delightful
raconteur. To the humour of his anecdotes was added
the spice of truth, for he was an observant man and saw
many happenings which others allowed to go unnoticed.

Banished to Madrid 89

Gossip said that he possessed that attribute commonly
credited to diplomats, and good-humouredly accepted by
them almost as a delicate compliment— a penchant for
unscrupiilousness. More tangible gifts were his extreme
shrewdness, his lightning adaptability, his urbane wiliness,
and an admirable knowledge of human nature. He used
these qualities with considerable discernment and singular
tact, and during his tenure of office, at a period of excep-
tional difficulty, did splendid service for his Emperor.

Yet for all that he felt the heavy hand of William II.
when he ventured to suggest that certain features in a
policy he was instructed to pursue in regard to Servia
and Bulgaria were unwise. It was of no avail that his
knowledge of affairs in the Balkan peninsula gave weight
to his opinions ; as speedily as the thunder crash follows
the flash of lightning, his remonstrance was answered by
instruction to take up an appointment at Madrid. This
unexpected and unforeseen transference was looked upon
as a sign of displeasure, as the ambassadorial post at
Madrid was considered to involve much less responsibility
than at Constantinople.

These events took place between my first and my
second visits to the Bosphorus. M. Radowitz left Con-
stantinople in 1892, and in 1897 another notable diplo-
mat, my friend Baron Marschall von Bieberstein, was
appointed in succession to Baron Saurma de Jeltsch.

Baron von Marschall had the advantage of coming to
Constantinople direct from ministerial duties in Berlin,
in the course of which, particularly at the Foreign Office,

90 The Near East from Within

he had attained to a wide knowledge of the undercurrents
of German policy in regard to the Near East. This was
an unquestionable asset, and all through his diplomatic
service at the Sublime Porte he was guided and helped
by the fact that he knew much of the inner workings of
Balkan state affairs and the measure of German influence
exerted in the various countries of the group. In this
way he was able to realise that the future of Turkey was
in danger of being compromised by the intrigues of the
smaller states along her borders and in the Balkan area.
He was also in a favoured position when he arrived at
Constantinople to checkmate, or at any rate counteract,
these secret movements, and he was not slow in beginning
operations. The Baron was not long in office at the
embassy ere he discovered that the diplomats of other
countries, not excepting Russia, though not entirely
unaware of the way the tide was flowing, were ignorant
of the strength of the current and of the potentialities of
the situation.

As earlier chapters have shown, Bieberstein was
energetic in stemming the tide by quietly setting to work
to strengthen Turkey. It was only natural, and per-
fectly legitimate diplomacy, that he should make capital
out of his efforts by keeping the Sultan and high officials
in Turkey in a continual state of acknowledgment of
their obligations to Germany for thus befriending her.
From that step to the definite exercise of influence
directed to the establishment of German control in certain
departments of state administration was not a superhuman

The Situation in 1897 91

task for a diplomat of such capabilities and resource as
Baron von Marschall. What Radowitz began, Bieberstein
brought to fruition.

At the time the Baron took office he found Austria
waiting the chance to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina
from the Sultan of Turkey, and moreover was casting
longing eyes toward Servia, to the detriment of the
Obrenovitch dynasty. His particular fear so far as Servia
was concerned was that were Austria to gain her ambition
in that quarter it would only prove a further menace to
Turkey, which was unthinkable. Circumstances combined
to defeat Baron von Marschall, and Bosnia and Herze-
govina became part of Austria-Hungary. I have heard
it whispered that the Baron was not so inconsolable as
might have been expected from his early championing
of Turkey's cause against Austria, the reason being the
passing of certain suggestions from Berlin as to the
modified attitude to be observed in regard to the affairs
of the Emperor Francis Joseph. Be that as it may, it
seemed good policy to impress upon the nations of the
Near East that Turkey had found a loyal friend in
Germany, and was likely, therefore, to take on a new
lease of life. The effect was soon observed in Turkey's
renewed prestige, and the feeling that Germany was
behind the scenes while Turkey was in the limelight threw
cold water on the unhealthy ambition of Ferdinand, who
was then a prince of Bulgaria yearning for a kingdom
of his own. When Bulgaria declared its independence in
1908, and Ferdinand found his ambition realised, he did

92 The Near East from Within

not forget his dislike of Baron von Bieberstein, and this
feeUng has tinctured Ferdinand's feelings in relation to
Germany, toward whom he has preserved an elusive
attitude of fulsome promise of decisions always to be made
in the future.

ISluch to the dehght of Bieberstein, the feeling of
uncertainty as to the exact value of Ferdinand's promises
and the nature of his real intentions was shared by
William II., who in those days exhibited a lukewarm
tolerance for Ferdinand. It can hardly be described in
warmer phrases, and even when the Archduke Franz
Ferdinand, who was fond of his cousin Ferdinand, did
his best to bring about a better understanding between
Ferdinand and William II., the effort did not succeed.
All this byplay of circumstance was so much gained for
the plans of von Marschall, whose ambition was to bring
Turkey into the Triple Alliance. The forces which he
hoped would bring about such a consummation were
twofold. First, Turkey's acceptance of Germany's
emphatic protestations of disinterested friendship, and,
secondly, Turkey's fear of her neighbours.

Baron von Bieberstein's efforts to further German
interests in Turkey need no recounting ; they were so far
successful that he brought within measurable range of
signing a treaty of alliance between the two empires.
From his advent in 1897 all von Marschall's energies
had been directed toward securing a dominant voice in
Turkish affairs, and it was a bitter disappointment that
the crowning triumph of an alliance under clauses framed

Baron von Wangenheim 93

at Wilhelmstrasse was frustrated by the obstinacy of
Abdul Hamid, who at the last minute refused to bind
himself by anything more tangible than his verbal assur-
ance of support in the event of a war breaking out in the
West. When the astute diplomat was thus frustrated,
he sought to encompass his aim through the instrument-
ality of Enver Bey, whose star was in the ascendant — but
that is a story already told.

Baron Marschall von Bieberstein was a big man,
broad shouldered, rugged, and kindly in appearance. He
was a clever talker, and had the rare quality of jovial
enthusiasm in his social enjoyments. In conversation he
was apt to indulge in humour of a satirical tinge, but
was broad minded in his views, and possessed of a quick
intuition which made him extraordinarily adaptable. When
he was appointed to London in the summer of 1912 it
was felt that he honestly deserved the reward of such an
exalted position. And when he died, a few brief months
after his appointment, even his enemies, of whom he
made many during his forceful career at the Berlin
Foreign Oflfice, conceded that a great man had passed
away.

I learned with sincere gratification of the appointment
of Baron von Wangenheim to the embassy at Constan-
tinople. He is a personal friend of mine. The Emperor's
choice was a particularly happy one. He is as tactful and
enterprising as his predecessor had been, and quick at
seizing opportunities which would prove beneficial to his
country. During the Balkan crisis his conduct was

94 The Near East from Within

prudent in the extreme, and even in the moments of
greatest tension he contrived both to keep cool and to
mask his real opinions.

Baron von Wangenheim was a whole-souled believer
in the Welt-politik of Emperor William II., and was
firmly convinced that the Germans were God's own
people. It was under his reign at the embassy that the
secret compact which Baron von Marschall had so nearly
brought about was finally entered into.* The achievement
gave considerable satisfaction among those who viewed
with trepidation the loosening of the ties of the Triple
Alliance upon "treacherous Italy," as the third party to
the 1887 treaty was freely called at that time.

Of other diplomats whom I met during my visits to
Constantinople, Margrave Pallavicini, the representative
from 1906 of our ally Austria, finds foremost place. He
was a member of the Hungarian branch of that illustrious
family and the embodiment of polished courthness. He
became popular almost as soon as he took up residence
at Pera, his dignity and affability making his society
much sought after. He tried to put at ease all who spoke
to him, but was a past master in the art of politely
extinguishing any venturesome person who attempted to
take a liberty. At times his ways have a suspicion of
pomposity, which is invariably forgiven — because he is ex-
ceedingly rich. His diplomatic labours are characterised

* Notwithstanding the absence of official sanction, the intent of the compact
can be looked upon in no other light than that of a verbally agreed Alliance.
At Wilhelmstrasse that was the status given to the affair.

M. Louis Bompard 95

by strong common sense, and he is an ambassador
with principles.

I met M. Louis Bompard only on my last visit,
though he had represented France at the Sublime Porte
from 1909. Previously he had held the diplomatic ofRce
at Petersburg, a fact which was of considerable use to him
in watching developments at Constantinople. When he
came to the embassy the work of overshadowing Russian
by German influence was wellnigh completed, but he
found scope for his energies and much that interested
him. Though probably few would have called him bril-
liant, M. Bompard was undeniably clever and possessed
a singularly keen quality of penetration. I believe he
discerned more of the real situation, and what were the
real factors producing it, than many a one who had been
on the spot for years. He freely condemned European
interference, and was particularly disdainful of what he
liked to call " Harem intrigues." And because he held
himself aloof from every kind of intrigue, he gained the
sincere respect of the pashas and other officers who were
the private advisers of the Sultan.

Mehmed Rechad had been three months on the throne
when M. Bompard arrived in Berlin, which meant that the
French ambassador missed the revolution. He was not
sorry to leave Petersburg, where he paid the social penalty
of following an exceedingly rich ambassador who enter-
tained lavishly and who was of high birth. Nevertheless,
he was staunch and unwavering in his sympathies for
Russia as a nation, and did the best he could to act in

96 The Near East from Within

harmony with the Tsar's representative on all the grave
and important questions that arose during his sojourn in
Turkey.

Although personally, as a political agent seeking ever
to further the interests of my own country, I could do
nothing but rejoice at the outcome, I often felt that
M. Bompard was hampered, and secretly vexed, at the
want of appreciation with which his Russian colleague
met his efforts. More than once when the Frenchman
proposed some joint representation which he felt it neces-
sary for their common interests that they should make to
the Sublime Porte, he found M. de Giers unwilling to
do so. Not from any unfriendliness, but from what was
more galling still to M. Bompard, a refusal to recognise
any need to disturb the contentment which — because it
seemed so on the surface — the Russian ambassador was
satisfied really prevailed. M. de Giers was far too optim-
istic for his French colleague's peace of mind.

Before I understood the personality of M. Bompard
I ventured to ask his opinion of the future development
of Turkey, and what part she would play in the event of
trouble ever arising between the Triple Alliance and the
triple understanding. The incident took place in the
spring of 1913, about a week after I had arrived in Con-
stantinople. We found ourselves smoking cigarettes
together whilst we looked out over the Bosphorus after
a dinner to which a society hostess had invited us. I did
not attempt the experiment again. The diplomat's
manner warned me it might be dangerous. His clear,

Sir Louis Mallet 97

serious eyes seemed to read one through, and he gave
one the impression of having immediately divined the
underlying motive for putting a leading question. I have
been told, and I quite believe it, that when the European
crisis arose, M. Bompard very nearly persuaded the
Ottoman Government to remain neutral. Such an
eventuality would have destroyed the years of patient
fostering of German interest and influence. Yet, not-
withstanding all, at one moment it seemed imminent that
Turkey would forget all that Germany had done for her
and in the face of well-defined moral obligations have
remained passive at a moment when her adherence ta
all the protestation of friendship she had made was vital.
M. Bompard did not succeed. By expedients familiar to
German diplomacy. Baron von Wangenheim turned the
scales in favour of his country.

I did not see much of Sir Louis Mallet, the repre-
sentative of King George V. He had a great name
for cleverness and boasted of considerable political experi-
ence, besides being a very amiable, pleasant, and agreeable
man. He had the reputation, too, of being a keen
observer. The German Emperor, I am aware, hated him,
because, having had occasion to see Sir Louis in London,
Sir Louis had been rude to him in the way of showing
too plainly to William II. how very little value he placed
on the protestations of friendship for England which the
German sovereign boasted.

Among other diplomats with whom I became
acquainted at Constantinople, the Italian ambassador,

H

98 The Near East from Within

the Marquis Garroni, was a perfect type. Though he
occupied a post which was most important in view of the
different questions still being discussed between Italy and
Turkey, he did not seem to worry much about them,
and took life most easily, which perhaps was the best
thing he could do under the circumstances. I did not
care much for him, and, besides, I had been warned in
Berlin not to allow myself to be drawn into an intimacy
with him, and especially recommended not to allow him
to guess that the question of a German-Turkish aUiance
was or had ever been in question.

Perhaps the only ambassador who could boast of
perfect knowledge of Eastern life and Eastern politics
was the Dutch minister. Dr. van der Does de Villebois,
who, thanks to his long sojourn in Egypt, which had
preceded his appointment in Constantinople, had acquired
an unrivalled experience that was to be envied concerning
Oriental manners, customs, and intrigues.

CHAPTER VIII

THE SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM AND RELIGIOUS FANATICISM

CONTRARY to the general belief, Turks, as a rule,
are not fanatics; they show themselves so tolerant
in religious matters that, with advantage, their example
might be followed by a good many Christians Legends
which represent them as thirsting for the blood of
the infidel are just legends and nothing more. The last
war which took place between Turkey and Servia and
Bulgaria proved with evidence that both parties were
fighting for political supremacy, and not for the faith
which they professed. And as for the atrocities com-
mitted during its course, they were performed by all
parties without exception. The Bulgarians, for instance,
pillaged, and destroyed, and burned ; they killed without
discrimination, and showed themselves as ferocious as
they were pitiless. More than once the victims which
they left behind them wherever they went were picked
up and cared for by the Turks, whom they had tried to
represent as merciless in regard to the Christians.

In political matters the Turks are quite willing to
live and let live, but they do not admit any encroachment
on the traditions which in bygone times made them

99

100

The Near East from Within

great. They believe that an hour will come when the
crescent shall once more rise triumphant in countries
where of old it reigned supreme, and that the last day
of Islam has not risen yet. They have a constant indig-
nation at the servitude to which the followers of the
prophet are condemned in Egv^pt, India, Central Asia,
and French territory in Africa. This sentiment is
genuine ; they lament over it and weep over the degra-
dation of their race and of their faith. In their religious
fervour they have remained the same as of old ; they are
ever ready to respond to the call of those who know
how to appeal to that trait in their character. The fate
of their country might under certain circumstances have
left them indifferent, whilst the danger of Islam will
always succeed in rousing them either to great deeds or
to strong actions.

Lately, and especially since the accession of the present
Sultan, those feelings came rather to the front owing to
the influence of the Sheikh-ul-Islam and the leaders of
the dancing and howling dervishes of Constantinople.
In order to consolidate his own position, Rechad felt
himself compelled to stand up as the protector of all
Moslems. The Emperor William, being made aware of
this, had not neglected to wield influence in Constanti-
nople through such channels. Unknown even to his own
ambassadors, because it was only towards the end of his
sojourn in Turkey that Baron von Marschall had become
aware of it, he had entered into relations with the Sheikh-
ul-Islam. He had even been in correspondence with the

The Howling Dervishes loi

sheikh of the hovvhng dervishes, a personage of vast
influence. The sheikh was a man already advanced in
years, with a venerable countenance, whose austerity of
life had brought him into great reputation among the
poorer classes of Constantinople. At a sign thousands of
people w^ould follow him to the ends of the earth. A
word uttered by him was sufficient to provoke or to
appease a rebellion, and more than once his intervention
had saved Abdul Hamid from the fate which only befell
him because he had not sufficiently taken into account
the importance of that leader of the religious party in
Turkey, and had slighted him on several occasions. The
sheikh was a most vindictive individual by nature, and
he never forgot or forgave an injury. He had had
occasion to ask Abdul Hamid to appoint one of his
relatives as aide-de-camp to His Majesty. But Abdul
did not care to have close to his person anyone belonging
to the immediate surroundings of the sheikh, and refused
the request in language of unnecessary violence. This
was sufficient to set against him that august personage,
and from that day his fate was sealed, and his deposition
became a matter of time.

The Emperor, who had been kept informed as to the
smallest details connected with this quarrel, thought it
opportune to interfere. It was only then that Baron
von Marschall was ordered to go and pay personally his
respects to the sheikh, and to discuss together with him
certain questions inimical to Abdul Hamid. In this way
the Baron learned of what had long been in progress.

102 The Near East from Within

Clever as he was, he had not suspected the secret, nor
did he at first grasp its inner meaning. But when von
Marschall was told later on to use his endeavours to
cultivate the friendship of the Khedive of Egypt, who
used to spend part of the summer in Constantinople, he
began to understand what lay at the root of these assur-
ances of friendship which the German Emperor was so
eager to have transmitted to these people, whom he had
never seen in his life, but whose co-operation he was so
anxious to secure.

Another powerful personage was the Sheikh-ul-Islam.
Essad Effendi, who then occupied that important position,
was domineering by nature, but he had great intellectual
faculties, a keen taste for intrigue, and the wish to be
consulted in every important political decision in which
the interests of his country were concerned. He believed
himself to be a leader of men, which he certainly was
by virtue of the great religious power which he wielded.
He disliked Abdul Hamid, more for the latter 's cruelties
than from any personal feeling, whilst he had always
nursed a certain amount of pity for the miserable,
persecuted Mehmed Rechad. It is not surprising, there-
fore, that he entered with alacrity into the conspiracy
which aimed at dispossessing the Sultan of his crown.
Essad Effendi was generally liked, and even had few
enemies. His ambition was enormous, and he did not
make a secret of the fact that he aspired to be the instru-
ment by which Moslems would at last be reunited under
the sceptre of the Commander of the Faithful.

Overtures to William 11. 103

It is not generally known that it was the Sheikh-ul-
Islam who made overtures of friendship to the German
Emperor, and not vice versa. He had been excessively
impressed by the personality of William II., and by the
pomp which had attended his famous visit to Abdul
Hamid. Essad Effendi, who was not Sheikh-ul-Islam at
that time, formed a good idea of the strength of Turkey's
new friend. He saw at once that with the exercise of
a little diplomacy he might secure for himself, as well
as for his country, the promise that, whatever happened
later on, neither he nor they would be forsaken by the
Protestant monarch whose protection they had succeeded
in winning.

Essad Effendi, ever since the outbreak of the first
Balkan war, had worked upon the mind of the Sultan and
done his best to make Rechad enter into the spirit of
the Mohammedan crusade which he preached. It was
partly through his intervention that, when hostilities
broke out between Germany and Russia, the Turkish
Government ceased to keep secret its hostility in regard
to the Russians. He played upon the ambition of
Mehmed Rechad, and tried to inspire him with the desire
to deliver his persecuted brothers and proclaim himself as
head of a vast Moslem state which should include all
Mohammedans in the world. Under the glamour of this
influence the spirit of the Egyptian Mahdi began to stir
in Essad's bosom. He dreamt of a day when he would
be able to restore Egypt to its former position, and, being
practical to an unconniion degree, quite appreciated the

104 The Near East from Within

advantage it would be to him to gain possession also of
the Suez Canal.

In the early days of the war, therefore, the Sultan,
helped by the advice of the sheikh of the dervishes
and of Essad Effendi, determined to make full use
of this wonderful opportunity which was given to him
so unexpectedly, and forthwith started to proclaim
the Holy War against the infidels, causing to be dis-
played the green flag of the Prophet, an event almost
unprecedented in the history of Turkey in modern times.

The call was responded to with enthusiasm, and from
all parts of Asia Minor and the Arabian Desert men
came pouring in, eager to join the army that was being
assembled to fight against the unbelievers.

William II. rejoiced to find that his cherished hopes
were on the way to fulfilment, and that if Italy abandoned
him, Turkey would prove faithful. He knew that he had
been suspected of intriguing at Constantinople against
the Tsar and against Russian influence, and it had always
angered him to hear people making allusion to that fact,
because he had always the fear that the example of Abdul
Hamid might be imitated by his brother and successor,
and that at the crucial moment the latter would hesitate
to plunge his country into such an adventure. He must,
therefore, have rejoiced considerably when at last Mehmed
Rechad decided to unfold the sacred banner of Islam
against Orthodox Russia.

It is a curious trick of circumstance that we behold
the strange spectacle of Protestant Prussia fighting

Combating Faiths 105

together with Moslem hosts against Cathohc France,
Buddhist Japan, Orthodox Greek Russia, and Christian
England. Amidst the many wonders of an age of
wonders it is one of the most interesting, and also,
perhaps, one of the most dangerous, omens to the future
peace of the world.

CHAPTER IX

KHEDIVE ABBAS HILMI

IN an earlier chapter I made a passing reference to
the relations between Sultan Abdul Hamid and the
young Khedive of Egypt. On my first Eastern visit I
had occasion to go to Egypt from Constantinople, and
there learned many interesting things. I knew earlier
that as soon as he ascended the throne William II. did
his best to cultivate the friendship of Moslem Egypt.
Tewfik Pasha was still alive at that time, and he did not
respond to the advances of Germany with as much readi-
ness as might have been supposed or expected. He was
a very shrewd man in spite of his apparent heaviness, and
he was moreover entirely convinced that English influence
and English interests were best for his country and him-
self. He realised that any attempt to throw off the
English yoke would have the direst consequences. He
therefore cultivated a spirit of absolute agreement with
Lord Cromer, who at that time filled with much distinc-
tion the delicate functions of English Agent-General in
Egypt.

Lord Cromer appreciated the deference of the

Khedive, and at the same time was very well aware of

io6

A Rebuff to William II. 107

the considerable support Tewfik Pasha could give against
the intrigues of the so-called French party which aspired
at the time to gain the upper hand in questions concern-
ing the interior administration of Egypt. This course
on the part of Lord Cromer was well advised, as the
French party was secretly supported by no less a personage
than the famous Nubar Pasha, who was Prime Minister
during the greater part of the reign of Tewfik. Under
these conditions the advances of the young German
Emperor encountered considerable coolness, and when
he caused tentative inquiries to be made of certain
members of the Egyptian native administration as to the
degree of welcome a visit of his in Cairo would receive,
the idea was met with distinct disapproval.

Tewfik sought the advice of Lord Cromer, who found
it easy' to explain that it would be to the advantage of no
one if the German engineers, who would undoubtedly
have accompanied William 11. , could have the oppor-
tunity to examine in detail all the improvements which
England had in progress in order to facilitate the develop-
ment of agriculture in that country, and the different
measures of safety which had been adopted to preserve
the integrity of the Suez Canal. The Emperor was
therefore given most respectfully and most courteously
to understand that his arrival in Egypt would not be
considered opportune, and the honour of his presence
there was therefore declined with abundant thanks.

This was all explained to me in a spirit of malicious
glee by an effendi who knew my nationality, and hoped

io8 The Near East from Within

to have the satisfaction of watching my discomfiture. I
flatter myself that I successfully concealed my emotions.

The incident was not without its value to me, as I
was able to report to Berlin the underlying fears which
had dictated the polite refusal. Later I was told that
the knowledge did not please Emperor WiUiam, who
felt the affront very keenly. I would not do more than
make the statement with all reserve, but I was definitely
informed that the German Emperor has hated Lord
Cromer ever since, and the hatred w^ent so far that he
actually inspired, and in one or two instances corrected
with his own hand, newspaper articles in which the great
English pro-consul was bitterly maligned.

Concurrently with the permeation of Turkish official
circles with German influence, attempts were made to
secure the sympathies of several people in Egypt who
viewed with dissatisfaction the progress of Enghsh
influence. In due course, even among the Khedive's
immediate surroundings, champions were secured who
began to insinuate to Tewfik that after all he was allowed
to play but little part in the government of his own
country. This was followed by the suggestion that if he
would but let friends in other directions help him, he
might wield far greater power and adopt a political
course unfettered by English control.

Among these people was the Countess S , for

something like half a century one of the most important
personages in Cairo society. A Russian by birth, married
to an Italian, she was a clever, intriguing woman who

The Princess Nazli 109

had ingratiated herself in the good graces of the Khedivah,
or Vice Reine, and so obtained free access to the Khedivial
harem. The Countess could be influenced in whatever
direction the inducement was most tangible, and, strange
to say, though a subject of the Tsar by birth, she acquired
strong German sympathies. She became the stoutest
supporter of the German Emperor's policy in the East.
Whether in the long run the Countess would have
been allowed to continue her German intrigues remains a
question, but she discovered that certain who were
necessary to her success would not allow themselves to
be deluded by her sophistry or tempted by her promises.
Foremost among her declared enemies was a cousin of
the Khedive, Princess Nazli, a remarkable woman, still
charming, though long past middle age, who had been
one of the first champions of female emancipation in
Turkey. In Egypt she partly succeeded in breaking
down the barriers. Except for the fact that she wore a
yashmak and a feridgi when she went out, the Princess
adopted entirely the life of a European lady of rank,
even to the length of receiving masculine visitors in her
palace, without a veil hiding her features. She was
devoted to England and everything Enghsh, and exceed-
ingly fond of both Lord and Lady Cromer, who were
frequent guests at her ancient Moorish palace in the old
quarters of Cairo. The Princess used to keep them very
well posted as to all the different intrigues that were
continually going on amidst the surroundings of the weak
and kind-hearted Khedive.

no The Near East from Within

She possessed a certain influence over her cousin, the
Khedive, who, though secretly afraid of her, yet recog-
nised her great and unmistakable qualities. Whether
that influence would have been durable is a problem
which remains unsolved, because Tewfik Pasha died quite
suddenly and unexpectedly, leaving his throne to a young
boy. This lad had been bred in the atmosphere of his
mother's harem, under the control of his mother's
friends ; he was strongly independent by nature, but as
limited in insight as he was in experience.

When Abbas Hilmi became Khedive he at once pro-
claimed himself the protector of the independent rights
of Egypt, and made no secret of his dislike of everything
English. From the very outset he showed slavish defer-
ence toward the Sultan. He flattered Abdul Hamid and
succeeded in ingratiating himself in his good graces. This
was no difficult matter, as the astute Abdul Hamid saw
at once the use which he could make of the headstrong
youth who, from the very first instant that he had
succeeded his father, applied himself to defy England.
Unfortunately, in order to do that with a chance of
success it would have required a stronger man than
Abbas Hilmi, who in the end had his pride humbled, first
by Lord Cromer, then by Sir Eldon Gorst, and lastly by
the next Agent, Lord Kitchener. From the moment
of Lord Kitchener's appointment the prestige of Abbas
Hilmi began to decrease almost hourly, until at last he
came to be considered even by his own subjects as an
automaton.

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o =■

" ^

5 3

I >

II.

The Khedive and Lord Kitchener m

This state of affairs was admittedly prejudicial to
German interests, but it would not be faithful to history
to suppress the facts simply because they were uncon-
genial to my friends at Wilhelmstrasse. The realisation
of the struggling forces in Egypt caused a more per-
sistent effort to be put forth to strengthen German
influence. When, some few years after Abbas Hilmi
came to the throne, Baron von Bieberstein was appointed
to Constantinople, he was enjoined to establish intimate
relations with the Khedive. Abdul Hamid, after his
deposition, was also induced to take Abbas under his pro-
tection. When Abdul Hamid was allowed to return to
Constantinople, he aided Abbas Hilmi to a considerable
extent out of private means which Abdul had given into
the care of William II. But for that the extravagant
Khedive would often have found himself financially em-
barrassed, because Lord Kitchener was inflexible in his
refusal whenever he was appealed to for an increase to
the civil list.

Abbas Hilmi could not fail to perceive the difference
in the treatment accorded to him by England on the
one hand and by Turkey on the other. He, too, had it
continually impressed upon him that Germany w^as a
sympathising friend, and that the Emperor William's
kindliness had much to do with Abdul's generosity. By
gentle steps the Khedive was led along the path of dis-
content until, at last, he was persuaded that he was
justified in giving over to Wilhelmstrasse all the plans for
the defence of the Suez Canal, which, unknown to Lord

112 The Near East from Within

Kitchener, he had appropriated to himself and brought
over to Constantinople for safety.

Once this diplomatic feat was accomphshed, it became
possible for Berlin to move in the direction of extending
her influence among the followers of Islam.

When the present war with Russia and with her aUies
broke out, I expected as a matter of course that Turkey
would hasten to follow in the footsteps of Germany, and
that the Egyptian question would be raised anew under
conditions which would make it very hard for England
to solve. Thanks to the care with which Germany has
given to the problem of the Suez Canal, it has been
observed from all sides by innumerable German agents,
and there are accomplices both at Suez and at Port Said
ready at any moment to throw off the cloak.

In compliance with the wishes of the German Emperor,
the secret efforts of German diplomacy and of the states-
men at Berlin have been directed toward one supreme
aim — the wresting from England the possession of Egypt
as the one controlling power over the Suez Canal. In
Wilhelmstrasse they were confident that once the canal
.were destroyed — and I have good reasons to fear that
should the question of its occupation become doubtful
its total destruction has long ago been decided upon —
England would find herself so entirely handicapped in her
trade and her commerce that it would become relatively
easy to annihilate her altogether, or at least to render her
incapable either of resistance or of expansion for a long
time to come.

A Welter of Intrigue 113

The one difficulty which this plan presented was that
of persuading Abbas Ilihni to accept it. The young
Khedive was quite willing to do his best to reduce the
power of England, but he did not intend in the least that
his country should pass into the hands of another great
Power, or of abdicating one iota of the independence he
thought he could secure. He could not be brought to
an entire trust in the good faith of the Emperor William.
He did not trust the Sultan Mehmed Rechad either,
because he knew that he was but a tool in the hands of
Enver Pasha, and that Enver Pasha would have given
much to be elected Khedive of Egypt.

Out of this welter of intrigue it was forced upon me
that the young Khedive, who had alienated himself from
his real friends and played with those who professed good-
will for the sake of making a tool of him, was drawing
to the conclusion that the day was approaching when he
would fall between stools, as the English expression has
it. The fact was that the removal of the young Khedive
was felt to have become a necessity, even by those who
were still making use of him. The German Emperor had
grasped the untrustworthy character of his tool, and was
perfectly aware that, after having played the English and
Lord Kitchener false. Abbas Hilmi would never hold
faith with him or keep the engagements into which he
had entered simply in order to obtain money. The Sultan
Rechad was worried by him and, besides, had been warned
against him ; Abdul Hamid was tired of the perpetual
demands for money with which he was bothered ; and

114 The Near East from Within

Enver Pasha considered him as the great obstacle between
him and his conquest of the province which he coveted.

My own feehng on the matter of the Suez Canal is
that its possession would not benefit Germany in the
least, and that those in highest places in Berlin are blinded
by feelings of mere covetousness and rivalry. On the
contrary, I am satisfied it would be a bad day for the
German Emperor if Fate gave the canal into his posses-
sion. It would add nothing to our prosperity or to our
welfare. First, it would become the source of perpetual
strifes and annoyances, as England would never resign
herself to its loss; then France also would find in the
appropriation of the great thoroughfare of the world by
Germany a pretext for renewed attacks against her;
Russia and Japan, who are interested in the commercial
side of the question, would undoubtedly insist on the
neutralisation of the canal. These seem to me to be some
of the logical outcomes. The end of the matter might
be the blowing up of the canal by Turkey, who would
thus solve the question of its possession. No ! Germany
has muddled things in this direction, and, in my opinion,
will have to pay bitterly for her overreaching diplomacy.

CHAPTER X

EMPEROR WILLIAM II. AND THE TSAR

'T^HE reference in the previous chapter to the designs
•'- nourished in Berhn for securing possession of the Suez
Canal leads me to recall the astonishment which gripped
the few statesmen and diplomatic officials who learned of
the secret suggestions made by William II. to Nicholas II.
Naturally, such matters are not accessible to all who may
wish to know, but few state secrets can be entirely hidden
from the confidential servants of the Empire. This was
a personal correspondence, but nevertheless its general
piu-port was known to one or two of the Emperor
William's most trusted advisers, who used their best en-
deavours to dissuade their headstrong ruler. But he was
superbly certain that no man was adamant to the appeal
of ambition, that no monarch would allow ethical con-
siderations to stand in the way of territorial expansion
and greater power. W^hen the Emperor Nicholas paid
his famous visit to Berlin on the occasion of the marriage
of the Kaiser's only daughter to the present Duke of
Brunswick, he was received there with an extraordinary
courtesy and enthusiasm, and the Berlin Court tried to
persuade him that his presence on such a momentous

"5

ii6 The Near East from Within

occasion was far more appreciated than that of King
George and his gracious consort.

When taking leave of his illustrious guest at the rail-
way station, the Emperor William shook his hand with
such apparent sincerity that the Tsar could really be
excused if he imagined that from that day the relations
between the houses of HohenzoUern and Romanoff would
resume their former intimate friendliness.

When, however, the last guests had taken their
departure, and the bride herself had left for her new
home, the Kaiser began once more to turn his attention
to foreign politics.

Though he had shown himself excessively attentive to
the King and Queen of England, he had tried to avoid
any serious conversation with George V., whose common
sense and straightforwardness had never appealed to his
cousin of Prussia. At that moment the Balkan War, or
rather the Balkan crisis, had reached its culminating point.
Austria, who, by the way, had carefully abstained from
sending any official representative to the wedding festivi-
ties in Berlin, was pressing her German ally to interfere
in favour of her schemes affecting Servia and Bulgaria.
In Roumania the King, faithful to the wise line of
expectant politics he had always followed with such
success, was waiting for the signal from Berlin to come
out either in the character of a belligerent or of a mediator,
whilst, in Bulgaria, Ferdinand was making no secret of
his intention to obtain for himself all the advantages of a
situation he had done his best to muddle.

Tempting the Tsar 117

This, then, was the situation when the episode of the
Imperial correspondence had its beginnings. It was not
a propitious time for Wilham II. to think of war; as yet
he was unprepared. On the other hand, the presence in
Berhn of his British cousins had only aggravated the feel-
ings of deep dislike which he entertained toward them,
and something in the quiet dignity of King George, and
the sense of security which he seemed to carry about with
him, had exasperated the Emperor. Nicholas II. is
habitually nervous at Court functions, and the Emperor
William deceived himself that so restless a temperament
would also be unstable in character. Accordingly,
William II. felt there would be little opposition to pro-
posals which he had in mind — a scheme the success of
which would mean the humbling of England.

When the Tsar returned to Tsarskoye Selo, he
expressed himself highly pleased with his visit to Berlin.
He even told Count Pourtales, at that time German
Ambassador at the Russian Court, that he had enjoyed
himself far more than he had expected, and that he
would always think with gratitude of the kindness he
had experienced during his trip, not only from the
Emperor Wilham, but also from the people of Berlin.
Count Pourtales transmitted to the Kaiser the words of
his Imperial cousin, and Wilham II. then decided to act.

It was in July or August of the same year — 1913, as
the reader will remember — that a special messenger
brought to Peterhof , where the Russian Imperial family
was spending its summer holiday, an holograph letter from

ii8 The Near East from Within

the German sovereign addressed to the Tsar. It was
written in the most friendly tone, and pointed out that
if the peace of the world were to be maintained it was
absolutely necessary to put an end to the constantly
recurring agitation in the Balkans and to curb the
ambition of all the small states of the peninsula, ambition
which, in the case of Servia and Bulgaria, was threatening
to assume most dangerous proportions. This letter also
charged England with intrigue. That country, it said,
was only waiting for the opportunity to annex Egypt,
and was doing her best to entangle the Sultan in a web
of difficulties, during which she would be able to wrest
from him the nominal suzerainty exercised by the latter
over that country. And, referring as if incidentally to
the close friendship which imited the Commander of the
Faithful and himself, the German Emperor went on to
suggest a common action having for its object the check-
ing of English ambition, and at the same time achieving
the secretly long-cherished desires of Russia to obtain
possession of the Straits of the Bosphorus and the
Dardanelles in exchange for her passive acquiescence in
a combined action of the German and Turkish fleets
against Egypt. The purport of this memorable letter
was :

Russia will not have accomplished the task she has
been entrusted with by Providence until she has become
absolute mistress of the Black Sea. So long as England
has a word to say in the question, she will oppose that
legitimate ambition by all means in her power or at her

Painting the Picture 119

discretion. England, who has always posed as the friend
of Turkey, will support her only so long as she maintains
an attitude of hostility toward Russia. Otherwise,
England, with amazing alacrity, will leave her to the
tender mercies of her enemies. England is supporting
King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, and encouraging him in his
dreams of becoming one day Eastern Emperor, with
Byzantium as his capital. The moment this comes to
pass, Russia's day is over. She will remain a second-rate
Power, strangled by its own immensity, and deprived of
her vital southern outlet on the sea. She will find herself
at the mercy of every adventurer and exposed to the
greatest dangers from her neighbours. Now, should
Russia see her own interests and consent to enter into an
alliance with the Sultan, co-operating wdth him and with
Germany in an action tending to neutralise the Suez
Canal, and to hand it over to a European Commission,
who would be entrusted with the task of preventing it
from ever becoming a military base for any other than
the Turkish army, she might obtain in exchange the
neutralisation of the Straits for all Powers w^ith the
exception of herself.

When these desirable consummations were attained,
continued the astonishing document, Constantinople
would remain the residence of the Sultan, but be placed
also under European control, whilst the capital of Turkey
would be transferred to Brusa, on the Asiatic side of
the Dardanelles. Thus Russia would become the sole
mistress of the Black Sea, and find herself able to control

120

The Near East from Within

entirely the policy of the Balkan States. She might in
time annex Bulgaria, and she would hold Servia in check.
At the same time, England being put out of the running,
the establishment of a permanent peace in the Balkan
Peninsula, which was next to impossible as things stood,
would be in a fair way to become accomplished.

Before the Emperor William II. had ventured to
propose that amazing scheme to the Tsar, he had carefully
arranged with the Sultan that the Suez Canal, while
placed under a so-called European Commission, would in
reahty be put under German management. So definite,
indeed, was the agreement that plans for the re-fortifi-
cation of the canal were already prepared by German
officers, and had been submitted to the Sultan for his
confirmation. In this carefully planned conspiracy every-
thing had been foreseen ; only one thing was needed —
and that depended upon the honesty and the loyalty of
Nicholas II.

The Russian sovereign did not reply at once to this
remarkable message. When he did so, after some days
had passed, his answer was a proof of the entire straight-
forwardness of his character. He thanked his Imperial
cousin for his communication, and then proceeded to
explain that he was bound by an agreement which had
for its aim the furtherance of good relationship between
the two countries over which he and King George
were ruling. Nicholas II. continued that he felt con-
vinced the British Government would never break the
engagements it had entered upon, and that certainly he

What Nicholas II. Said 121

could not on his side fail to keep faith. He added that,
though Russia might wish for the possession of the Straits,
yet she would never desire to get them under her control
at the price of any action that might be construed as
treasonable. Besides, Russia wanted peace, and if she
lent herself to such a scheme as that outlined, it was going
to open the door to all kinds of complications, and
assuredly lead to war. As to the value of the suggestions
in regard to the benefit it was thought would accrue, he
personally failed to see in what aspect the general political
situation of Europe would change by England being
driven out of Egypt. Turkey was not strong enough to
govern that country alone, and it could hardly be handed
over to any other Power without leading to all sorts of
quarrels and strife. The danger of war, therefore, instead
of being diminished, would be increased.

It would be very much better, in his opinion, to
insist collectively on Turkey, as well as on Servia and
Bulgaria, laying down arms and submitting their differ-
ences to the arbitration of a conference. He expressed
the certain hope that the various ambassadors in London
would be equal, even, to that difficult task, and would
carry it through to a happy end. The Tsar concluded
his reply with the remark that the programme outlined
by Wilham II. was undignified for any Christian Power
to embark upon, and that he would consider himself
dishonoured by lending his hand to such an enterprise.

When William II. received this reply his feelings can
be imagined. I am aware that it caused an immediate

122 The Near East from Within

change of course, for after a few months I was the bearer
of a letter to the late Archduke Franz Ferdinand. This
communication was quite simple on the surface, merely-
suggesting a friendly visit to Ferdinand in the near future.
From the Archduke and the Duchess of Hohenberg I
brought back a cordial invitation, and in due time —
w^hich, however, was not until May, 1914 — the German
Emperor paid a visit to the heir to the throne of Austria-
Hungary at the Castle of Konopischt in Bohemia.

CHAPTER XI

KING CAROL OF ROUMANIA.

WILLIAM II. always felt great respect for King
Carol of Roumania, who had been a close friend
of the Emperor Frederick, the father of the German
Emperor. King Carol had the reputation of being one
of the wisest monarchs in Europe. During the many
years in which he occupied the Roumanian throne he
proved a model sovereign and contrived to steer safely
among very troubled waters, and not only to remain in
possession of his throne, but also to consoHdate his
dynasty. Alone among the Balkan sovereigns, he kept
aloof from the various intrigues which had troubled the
peninsula. Since the war of 1877 against Turkey he had
not drawn his sword, and succeeded to a certain degree
in imposing peace upon his neighbours when they had
proved troublesome and tried to persuade him to mix
himself up in their quarrels. In 1913 it was mainly
through his exertions and owing to his firm attitude in
regard to Bulgaria that King Ferdinand consented to
listen to reason, and to accept the rather hard conditions
of the Treaty of Bucharest. When Russia was on the
point of interfering in that question, it was also the King

123

124 The Near East from Within

of Roumania who warned her of the serious consequences
of such a step. Had he only been Hstened to, it is prob-
able that the war which broke out in July, 1914, might
have been avoided, or at least postponed for some time.
Among modern rulers and statesmen the figure of Carol I.
stands out as one of the most remarkable. He was a man
of principles, straightforward, honest, true, sincere in
all he said and did. When he accepted the throne of
Roumania he was still a young man, and at that time no
one beheved his tenure would be long. Before he had
decided to risk the adventure he consulted Prince von
Bismarck, asking him what he ought to do. Bismarck
replied that he might try it, as it would always constitute
for him "a pleasant remembrance." The remark was
not encouraging, and many men more experienced than
this younger scion of the House of Hohenzollern might
have hesitated before the risk of such an enterprise. Not
so King Carol. He arrived at Bucharest simply as Prince
Carol of Roumania, a vassal and dependant of the Sultan,
whose suzerainty over the turbulent little principality was
not then disputed.

This event took place in 1866, just before the
victorious campaign which Prussia had conducted with
such skill against the forces of Austria. Sadowa was
fought between the day of the election of Prince Charles
of Hohenzollern and that of the acknowledgment of his
position as ruler of Roumania by the great European
Powers. He arrived in his new country with more deter-
mination than ambition. Not easily would he be driven

King Carol and Finance 125

out. He possessed tact to an even greater extent than
courage ; he was shrewd more than agile of intellect, and
manifested abundant strength of will. He was always
particularly interested in the progress of science, art,
and literature, and made a study of social questions.
Undoubtedly he did nuich to improve and to develop the
resources of his country of adoption.

When he arrived in Roumania he at once appreciated
its vast possibilities. He became the first business man
of his new Fatherland, and scarcely any commercial enter-
prise was started in Roumania without his having a finger
in the financial pie. He speculated, he built railways,
factories ; he became a shareholder in industrial concerns
in his adopted country and elsewhere; he encouraged
foreign capital to establish itself in Bucharest, and he
developed the riches and the economical hfe of Roumania
to an extent w^hich astonished some of the strongest and
cutest financial heads in Europe. When he died he left
something like fifty millions, according to official records,
and in reality a great deal more.

The financial genius of King Carol was provided with
an outlet for the riches he accumulated in his epicurean
love of the beautiful. He spent fortunes to gratify his
taste for the exquisite, and grew to look with more than
affection on his growing wealth. This fact explains,
perhaps, why the policy of Roumania remained so con-
stantly a pacific one. The King, who thought more of
the fate of his own personal fortune, dreaded nothing
more than to see it compromised. He was well aware

126 The Near East from Within

that even a successful war, if it did not stop altogether,
would at least considerably delay the commercial expan-
sion of the kingdom over which he ruled with such tact
and ability. He did not care for military laurels, being
wise enough to recognise their utter emptiness. If he
had been offered the possession of Constantinople with
the title of Emperor, it is probable that he would have
declined the honour, but at the same time he would have
taken active steps to prevent anyone else than the Sultan
being so denominated. When his neighbour at Sofia
developed the sudden desire to wrest St. Sophia from
the Sultan, Carol at once not only refused Ferdinand his
co-operation and support in that enterprise, but declared
that he would oppose it by all means in his power. He
foresaw that the equilibrium of the Balkan Peninsula
would be disturbed by the expansion of any of the small
nationalities, and wisely and astutely meant to keep the
balance of power in his own hands so long as he lived.

He was honest in his way, if honesty consists in keep-
ing one's word and of never by any means doing a wrong
which was liable to be found out. But he was also a
cynical, weary, disillusioned man, who hastened to laugh
at everything, not the least cause of amusement being
the way in which the world took him at his own valuation
and gave him its confidence.

With a character of that kind, it was pretty certain
that an adventure, be it a political or a warlike one, was
not to be feared ; and, whilst King Carol of Roumania
lived, most of the statesmen who had the responsibilities

Carol I. as Counsellor 127

of the affairs of Europe in general could rely on his help-
ing them to unravel the knot of many difficulties. Even
William II. more than once had recourse to him in one
or other of the scrapes which he periodically got into
during the early days of his reign. Carol I. listened to
him with an unvarying attention, and generally succeeded
in giving him thoroughly sound advice, which enabled
WilHam II. to minimise and counteract evil effects that
might easily have resulted from his imprudences. The
King was essentially of a sympathising nature, though he
could hardly have been termed a sympathetic man. There
was far too much coldness in his manners, and he was
excessively caustic. His very politeness appeared some-
times to be more studied than real, though at the same
time it was thoroughly genuine, proceeding from the
habits and customs in which he had been reared. He had
learned the great art not to seem bored at anything that
others might have to tell him, and this had won him much
popularity with the other crowned heads of Europe, as
well as among his own subjects.

When at his castle of Sinaia he allowed any peasant
or labourer to approach him and to talk to him about
their crops or vines. He was equally at ease in the
part of a gentleman farmer as in that of a gravely
attentive monarch granting an audience to this or that
minister eager to explain to him difficult political ques-
tions interesting to him as well as to others. He was
essentially an adaptive man, content everywhere and in
every position in which he found himself, fully alive to

128 The Near East from Within

the value of the good things of this earth. He did not fear
death, being satisfied that he was entitled to a seat of
honour in the next world. This quaint persuasion contri-
buted a great deal to the serenity with which he contem-
plated the final dissolution.

From the very first day of his arrival at Bucharest,
King Carol meant to obtain the royal crown of Roumania.
It is likely that he would not have joined Russia in 1877,
when she attacked Turkey for the apparent reason of
delivering Bulgaria from its yoke, had he not foreseen
that the transformation of Roumania into a kingdom
would be the inevitable reward that his conduct would
entitle him to claim. He had, indeed, prepared himself
for that contingency, and given careful attention to the
training of his troops, whose help had proved invaluable
to the Tsar. Like a true Hohenzollern, he had directed
his efforts toward the establishment of Roumania as the
dominant military power of the Balkan peninsula, and he
succeeded.

The prize, however, did not come quite so quickly as
he had expected owing to various circumstances, among
which may be counted the stubborn opposition of Prince
von Bismarck. He was not proclaimed king until four
years after the war of 1877, and then only after he had
spent considerable sums out of his private purse for the
purpose of obtaining the favourable votes. It had not
been so easy as Carol I. had expected to convert Roumania
into a monarchy. Bismarck hated the idea ; he did not
like Carol, perhaps because he knew that King Carol was

A Caustic Letter 129

one of the few men in the world who did not fear him.
This displeased Bismarck thoroughly. He could never
bring himself to be cordial to the new monarch of
Roumania. Thus he committed one of his gravest errors,
because Carol I., appreciating the worth of the foe with
whom he had to deal, hastened, after William II. ascended
the throne, to sympathise with the young Emperor's
revolts against the authority of the great minister who
for so long had been solely responsible for the policy of
Prussia. King Carol, indeed, encouraged William in his
desire to get rid of Bismarck. It is not generally known
that, before dismissing Prince Bismarck, the young
Emperor wrote to the King of Roumania asking him
what he ought to do, complaining at the same time of
the overbearing temper of his Chancellor, Carol I., as
I happened to learn, replied most diplomatically in the
following terms to his Imperial nephew : "I cannot
advise you in the matter to which j^ou refer ; it is for
you only to decide ; other people cannot interfere, but if
I were in your place I should like always to be the master
in my own house." This letter sealed the fate of the
great man who, by his skill and intelligence, had founded
the German Empire.

This circumstance created between the two rulers a
very powerful secret bond, one which William, later on,
would have given much to have Carol forget. He had
confided in Carol at this important crisis of his Hfe as
a sovereign, on one of those impulses to which he was so
often subject and which he invariably regretted. King

130 The Near East from Within

Carol, however, was far too clever and far too cautious
to show that he remembered the circumstance, but at
the same time he contrived that William II. should
never forget it. Whenever any European complication
occurred, he interfered in it by entering at once into an
amicable correspondence with the Emperor, and by
making him feel that, since he had once asked his advice
in one of the most important moments in his existence,
he was welcome to do it alwa5^s.

This attitude was a beneficial factor in the peace
of Europe, because the influence of the King, which
William II. could not very well ignore, was always an
excellent one, and his tact contributed greatly toward
clearing certain international difficulties which now and
then arose to trouble the political horizon of Europe. The
Roumanian sovereign, it must not be forgotten, was also
a Hohenzollern, and had cherished the clannish feehng
of that house in regard to its chief and to its own race ;
his fatherland was Germany, and Roumania remained but
an incident in his life. Latterly, however, the unneces-
sarily aggressive attitude of Germany did not meet with
his approval, and he began to transfer his affections to
Russia. He had done his best to get his relative out of
the multifarious scrapes in which he had found himself
so often involved. Perhaps he had worked too energetic-
ally toward that result, for his efforts had produced a
certain impatience in the mind of William II. An
unfortunate effect of this reliance on King Carol was that
it had rather impressed WiUiam II. with the conviction

Carol I. and Russia 131

that he had always at hand one who could effectively
repair his mistakes. As a consequence the ruler of
Roumania watched with considerable anxiety the career
of his enterprising relative, and latterly had not displayed
the same readiness to put things right. King Carol had
become alarmed at the anti-English feelings developing in
the breast of WiUiam II. The political and diplomatic
experience of Carol I. was too extensive not to make him
realise that a coalition of Russia, France, and England
against Germany might have disastrous results for the
Empire of the HohenzoUerns, and he did not care for
the possibihty of the Hohenzollern dynasty being over-
thrown.

These considerations had made him look with
uneasiness and apprehension on the aggressive policy that
Germany had entered upon, and had, practically, also
imposed upon her ally, Austria-Hungary. King Carol
had never approved of the annexation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina to the realm of the Habsburgs, and had
warmly admired the wise conduct of Russia in regard to
that question. The attitude of the Petersburg cabinet
had pleased him so much that, as hinted, he had begun
to consider seriously the possibility of a rapprochement
with Russia. He found a ready collaborator in the
Russian minister at his Court, a young diplomat of
unusual ability, M. Schebeko, who had at once grasped
the immense consequences of inducing the Bucharest
cabinet to look with favouring eyes upon the policy and
the plans of the triple understanding between Russia,

132 The Near East from Within

France, and Britain. In his enthusiasm for the idea,
however, M. Schebeko sometimes carried his zeal too far,
and this led to certain frictions that might have been
avoided had Russia proceeded with the same caution
employed by King Carol.

When the Tsar conferred the rank of a field-marshal
in the Russian army upon the Roumanian sovereign, it
was felt that a great step forward had been made. Russian
policy in the Balkans, and indeed everywhere else, had
thereby gained an important auxiliary in the person of
the wise and generally respected monarch. When, thanks
to certain feminine interventions, matters had so far pro-
gressed that the possibility of an alliance between the
Romanoffs and the Roumanian dynasty began to be
mentioned, the different European cabinets thought it
was time to watch with more than usual curiosity every-
thing that was going on at Bucharest, especially as King
Carol, though know^n to be in more than indifferent
health, was nevertheless not suspected to be in so grave
a condition as subsequently proved to be the case.

At that particular moment the King of Roumania
was enjoying the confidence and respect of continental
sovereigns as well as of their responsible advisers, of the
Sultan and all the different political parties in Turkey,
and also throughout the Balkans. After the tragic death
of King George of Greece it was to his experience that
finally all questions pending between the Balkanic States
were referred, and the idea that he might be inclined to
accept the opinions of Russia, and to approve of them,

Count Berchtold Becomes Alarmed 133

could not fail to arouse intense emotion as well as a
certain degree of anxiety everywhere.

More particularly was this appreliension felt at Vienna.
Count Berchtold grew so alarmed at this development
that he ventured to ask King Carol whether his friend-
liness toward Austria had undergone a change. The King
replied with his usual caution that he would always con-
centrate his efforts in maintaining peace. The answer
satisfied no one, and least of all the Emperor William,
to whom it was immediately communicated.

This situation saw the beginning of German intrigue
against Roumania, and William II. found an unexpected
ally in a lady who stood in close relationship to the
Russian Empress, and who, having the opportunity to
see the Imperial family almost daily, was induced to work
upon the mind of the eldest daughter of the Tsar and to
persuade her that she would do better to remain in her
own country than to marry the heir-presumptive to the
Roumanian throne. Another area of German activity
was found in fostering the ambitions of King Ferdinand
of Bulgaria.

The marriage of the Duchess of Brunswick took place
while these matters were developing, and created in
the mind of William II. the thought of appealing to
the Emperor of Russia and to allow himself to be induced
to look with indifferent eyes upon the wresting of Egypt
and the Suez Canal from Great Britain. The details are
already known to us.

King Carol — who was consulted — was very quickly

134 The Near East from Within

alive to the utter insanity of the plan, and he forthwith
replied to his Imperial relative not to think any more
about such impossible things. In the spring of 1914
King Carol sent his nephew and heir to Petersburg,
together with his consort and their eldest son. The visit
did not lead to the result which had been hoped for, as
the young Grand Duchess Olga would not consent to
wed into the Roumanian royal family. The Emperor
William congratulated himself that he had obtained a
decided success in that quarter, and the fact that he
thought so reached the ears of King Carol, who expressed
his displeasure in a most decided manner.

It was at this juncture that I was ordered to repair
to Bucharest with a letter from my sovereign addressed
to the King of Roumania, which gave rise to a curious
conversation which I shall refer to in a later chapter.

My visit did not lead to much, and certainly it did not
change anything in the international complications which
suddenly seemed to spring from every side. All the
efforts of the King of Roumania, all his appeals and
advices tendered at Vienna, as well as in Petersburg, came
to nothing, and did not even delay the crisis. When the
Emperor and Empress of Russia had paid their famous
visit to Constanza, in the beginning of June of last year,
it was believed that it would lead to an ultimate Russo-
Roumanian alliance, directed, if not against Austria, at
least against the ever-growing ambition of King Ferdin-
and of Bulgaria. This supposition also came to nothing.
Carol I. did not desire to bind himself at a juncture when

M. Sazonov visits King Carol 135

he instinctively felt his neutrality would be more useful
to the cause of peace. He received his Russian guests
with the utmost politeness, but he made M. Sazonov
understand that he could not enter into any serious
conversations.

M. Sazonov was not strong enough to insist on an
immediate solution of a question which was of such vital
importance to the future policy of Russia in the Balkans,
and the interview of Constanza ended in disappointment.

Before tw^o months elapsed Germany and Russia were
at war. The conflagration that wise King Carol had
worked all his life to prevent broke forth, and at its very
beginning the Roumanian monarch, whose restraining
influence would have been so invaluable when peace terms
came to be discussed, suddenly passed away, and one of
the most important factors in European politics vanished.

CHAPTER XII

IMPRESSIONS OF BUCHAREST

TN the course of my duties I had made one short stay
-■- at Bucharest in the year 1882, and when I returned
there in the early months of 1914 I found the city
decidedly improved. It had lost its Oriental tinge, and
had become quite European. Large boulevards, splendid
shops, and more nmsic halls than ever had come into
being. Altogether, Bucharest had a particularly pros-
perous air. I wrote at once to King Carol's aide-de-camp
to ask for the honour of an interview with His Majesty,
adding that I had arrived that same morning from Berlin.
I learned in reply that the King was at his castle of Sinaia,
in the Carpathian Mountains, but that he should be
advised at once of my coming. I was also told that the
Crown Prince and Princess Ferdinand were in town, and
would be glad to see me. This was, of course, a command
which I hastened to obey.

I found the heir-presumptive an extremely handsome,
amiable man, with pleasant manners, a good carriage,
and an interesting conversation. He seemed to be in
possession of strong personal ideas in everything, but one

who would refrain from airing them unless compelled to

136

Prince Ferdinand of Roumania 137

do so. We talked about Berlin, where he had spent some
of his early years ; of London, which he declared he liked
exceedingly, and of England. He strongly admired the
English system of government, while at the same time
owning quite frankly that it would not be applicable any-
where else. I tried to make Prince Ferdinand tell me
his impressions about his recent journey to Russia, but
he adroitly changed the conversation. In general he
appeared to have wonderful self-control and enough
presence of mind to be able safely to extricate himself
from difficult or embarrassing situations.

He did not seem to be at all tired of his position
as heir to the throne, and, if anything, rather shy at
the thought of his future responsibilities — a state not
often to be noticed in future sovereigns. On the con-
trary, he appeared to me to be very much attached to
his uncle, whose health gave him genuine anxiety.

We spoke about the recent Balkan War, and he
told me that the Roumanian army had been quite ready
to start on a campaign, but by the King's wisdom such
a misfortune had been spared to the country. He
produced upon me the impression that he was a very
sympathetic man, fully ahve to the duties which awaited
him, and keenly anxious to do the right thing. My feel-
ing was that he was too serious for such a relatively young
man, and I could not refrain from making a remark to
that effect. He laughingly replied that when one was old
enough to be a grandfather and had grown-up sons and
daughters, it was about time to be serious.

138 The Near East from Within

The Crown Princess, without possessing a regular
type of beauty, was pretty and fascinating. Most elegant
in her carriage and bearing, she had a queenly look which
gave her a regal dignity bereft of either hauteur or pride.
One could see at once that she was conscious of her high
position, but that she did not feel vain of it. Her con-
versation was brilliant, and touched upon almost every
subject of current interest. There was much piquancy
in her talk, and one noticed that she appreciated admira-
tion. She certainly did not talk of her children with the
same strong affection which her husband had manifested
when referring to them, but one could see at a glance
that she was a tender as well as a devoted wife. There
was an Enghsh look about her w^hich was very pleasant,
but which explained the latent hostility with which the
German Emperor usually referred to her, especially in
recent times. Altogether, she was a most attractive
being, with enough feminine charm to produce an
impression which could not fail to attract.

I had also the opportunity to talk with the Prime
Minister, who at the same time held the portfolio of
Foreign Affairs. M. T. Majoresco had presided over the
conference which formulated the Treaty of Bucharest,
that had put an end, for some time at least, to the Balkan
trouble. He is, perhaps, the most capable minister in
Roumania, a pleasant companion, and a man singularly
endowed with tact, and possessed of a keen political
instinct. The King appreciated him as he deserved, but,
it seemed to me, never quite trusted him. This, however,

A Talk with M. Majoresco 139

must not be taken as a disparagement, because, so far as
I could make out, King Carol trusted no one. Few knew
his personal likes and dislikes, or his private opinions and
intentions. M. Majoresco discussed the political situation
with me, and I was very nuich struck with the fact that
he viewed the future with considerable apprehension,
particularly with regard to Germany. It was evident he
did not care to say all that he thought about the subject,
especially with one who, like myself, was supposed to
enjoy the confidence of those in highest places in Berlin,
but one could see that he knew more than he cared to
admit. He was ardently patriotic, but he was just as
evidently an ambitious statesman who was calculating in
his mind the personal honour he might win from a clever
manipulation of the affairs of his country at that particu-
lar moment of its existence. He struck me as a man of
strong personality, who w^as by no means Bismarckian in
his politics. He would not have walked over the dead
bodies of his own convictions.

I spent but two days in Bucharest trying to ascertain
something tangible as to the feelings of the Roumanians
and their possible attitude in case of a European eruption.
My impression was that the latter would entirely depend
on the King, who alone represented public opinion in
Roumania.

I would have liked to remain a little longer in the
Roumanian capital, and felt rather sorry when a message
arrived from the King requesting my immediate attend-
ance at the castle of Sinaia, in the Carpathian Mountains.

140 The Near East from Within

In this lovely residence which he had built for himself,
and embellished with fastidious taste, King Carol generally
spent the summer season. When I arrived there I was
received by the Queen, the celebrated Carmen Sylva, who
welcomed me with that charm she alone possesses and
which makes her such a remarkably attractive personahty.
She explained that the King was not in the castle at the
moment.

Queen Elizabeth of Roumania, though an old woman
and despite her many trials and sorrows, had kept the
smile and lovely eyes which had made the Princess
EHsabeth of Wied such a fascinating girl. Her great
mental gifts have never been questioned, and though her
eccentricities had given rise to a certain amount of
ridicule, she was acknowledged by universal consent to
be one of the most versatile women of her time. In
Roumania her work in the domain of charity and educa-
tion had been as considerable as the King's in that of
politics and material development of the prosperity of
the country. She was universally loved and readily for-
given the vagaries of her artistic imagination. This
temperament bred strange ideas, such as that of appear-
ing one day, at a festivity which she had given at the
palace in Bucharest, disguised as a Watteau shepherdess,
with powdered hair and short pink gown, leading a white
lamb by a rose ribbon, which, unnerved by the novelty
of the situation, became wild in the ball-room. The fact
is that the mental balance of the Queen had been upset
by the death of her only child, and it was years before

A Poetic Queen 141

she fully recovered. This sorrow opened her heart to all
who were sad or in want. The good she did was enormous.
It would have been difficult to find a higlier, nobler spirit
than that of the Queen, but, unfortunately, it rarely con-
descended to look at things from a matter-of-fact stand-
point. If she happened to be composing a poem or some
beautiful nuisical piece, which for the time being absorbed
all her intellectual faculties, it transported her whole soul
into higher regions whither it was impossible for anyone
less gifted to follow. When one looked at her in her
flowing white garments, with the picturesque head-dress
of the Roumanian peasants, in the half light which
generally surrounded her, she appeared like some fantastic
yet benign fairy, too beautiful to be true, too ethereal
to be genuine. One could very well understand that the
King admired her as something too holy even to desecrate
by a thought or a touch, but one could yet easily imagine
that his strongly practical nature would have preferred
after all, in order to be entirely happy, a wife who would
have sympathised more thoroughly with his personal tastes
and pursuits and shared more definitely in his ambitions.
I was asked to dine with the royal pair, and the King
welcomed me with entire cordiality. He had returned to
the castle just before the meal, and whilst it lasted the
conversation remained quite trivial, touching only on
current events ; but after dinner was over the sovereign
invited me into his study, and, having asked me to sit
down, began at once to speak about Berlin and the
Emperor. For obvious reasons it is impossible to repro-

142 The Near East from Within

duce even a tithe of the momentous interview of which
I was instructed to take a verbal reply back to Berlin.
Such, it seemed, had been the desire of William II.,
and, as Carol I. rather acidly remarked, a wise desire too.
" I cannot very well advise him in the present circum-
stances. He has always declared himself the champion
of peace in Europe ; he has advocated it constantly, and
all at once you find him seized with a frantic desire to
disturb that peace, all because he is afraid of a young
man whom it would be easy for him to reduce to utter
powerlessness if he really desired it. You may not under-
stand it, but I will explain. Of course, it is no secret
to 3'^ou that the relations of the Emperor with the Crown
Prince are anything but cordial. The heir to the throne
is developing most dangerous designs against his father ;
he has succeeded in making himself enormously popular
and of rallying around him a considerable party quite
capable, under certain provocations, of going so far as
conspiring against their sovereign, whom they accuse of
cowardice in regard to Russia. It is those people who
have completely inspired the Emperor with the fear that
he may at a given moment be overthrown and replaced
by his son, in whom the military party in Prussia sees
its future avenger and hero. Your Emperor feels this
opposition to him more than he cares to say. If he were
sensible he w^ould not pay attention to a campaign which
is bound to die a natural death if left to itself, but he
refuses to believe that half the attacks made against his
person in the French and Russian Press are inspired.

Friendship for England 143

and in some cases paid for, by the partisans of his own
son in Berhn."

I could not reply to this strange declaration, which
took me quite unawares, and therefore waited for the
next words of the King. Carol I. went over to the
window, and for some moments remained standing at it,
looking at the beautiful landscape with the dark moun-
tains for its background, absorbed seemingly in deep
thought. Then he turned, and, resuming his seat, went
on in a more matter-of-fact voice :

" It is not wise for an outsider to interfere in family
questions. I cannot afford, or rather Roumania cannot
afford, to be mixed up in such dangerous matters. She
might have to pay too dearly for it later on. Personally,
I can tell you that I think the Emperor ought to resume
his old line of conduct, which has been sucli a success
in the past, and that his apprehensions as to the aggres-
sive intentions of Russia and England are utterly
fallacious. If William were a little patient, he would
see the truth of this remark. I certainly won't help the
Emperor in his designs against England. I utterly dis-
approve of them, and, moreover, I feel convinced that
any attempt in that direction must end in disaster. A
sovereign ought to look at things objectively, not by the
light of his personal passions."

"It is what Your Majesty has ahvays done," I
remarked. " But does Your Majesty really believe that
the Emperor nurses a jealousy in the respect you point
out? " I ventured to add.

144 The Near East from Within

" Do I believe it? I know it !" exclaimed the King,
with more warmth than he had yet shown. " I know it
better even than if he had told me anything about it. He
is essentially of a jealous nature. On the other hand, the
son loathes the father who can order him about, put him
under arrest when he pleases, and who alone does not
see in him the Crown Prince, but merely a naughty
child to be punished for the slightest fault against the
disciphne which he has estabhshed in his household.
Jealousy of one another has always been one of the
dominant features of the character of the Hohenzollerns.

"Think about the present moment in the light of
what I have said. Watch it, and then draw your own
conclusions. Go back to Berlin," said the King, after
a pause, "tell your Emperor that the only advice his
old relative can give to him is to take a soothing mixture
and to go to bed over it. Night is sometimes the best
of advisers, and he had better try not to dwell upon his
son's misdeeds. The boy's ambitions are certainly not
worse than those in which he himself indulged during
his father's short reign. History repeats itself. Let him
take the lesson to heart, and remember that so long as
he remains the master nothing can result from the wild
militarism of the Crown Prince."

I never saw King Carol after that day.

CHAPTER XIII

THE GERMAN EMPEROR AT KONOPISCHT

NOT long after my return to Berlin from Bucharest
I heard that WilHam II. was going to pay a visit
to the heir presumptive of Austria-Hungary at Franz
Ferdinand's castle of Konopischt, in Bohemia.

There was not much love lost between Francis Joseph
and his heir presumptive, whose domineering temper had
more than once jarred upon his uncle's nerves. Franz
Ferdinand was a strong character, and could not brook
contradiction. He was entirely under the influence of
the Duchess of Hohenberg, his morganatic consort, and
of the Jesuits, by whom her marriage with the Archduke
had been made possible. His leanings were frankly
Clerical, and the Liberals looked forward with misgiving
toward the future, being persuaded that Franz Ferdinand,
at the instigation of the Ultramontane party, would
adopt an aggressive policy toward Russia, the only serious
rival of his ambitions in the Balkan Peninsula. His great
friendship with King Ferdinand of Bulgaria had aroused
considerable suspicions concerning his future intentions,
and he was supposed not only to favour the views of the
military party in Austria, but also those of the statesmen
k 145

146 The Near East from Within

who advocated the intervention of Austria in the internal
affairs of Bulgaria as well as of Servia.

The Archduke had been suspected also of sympathis-
ing with the late King Milan of Servia to the detriment of
the Karageorgevitch dynasty. When the brutal murder of
King Alexander and Queen Draga had taken place, the
heir to the Austrian throne was supposed to have urged
upon his uncle the necessity of an armed intervention of
Austria in Servia, the ultimate result of which would be
the permanent occupation of Servia by the armies of the
Emperor Francis Joseph. The idea had been viewed with
a certain degree of favour by the leading spirits at the
Ball Platz, and might have been put into execution had
not the German Emperor interfered.

The Emperor WiUiam's intervention was deeply
resented by the Archduke, and for some time their
relations remained cool, if not actually strained. Later
on, however, they grew more friendly, thanks chiefly to
the influence of the Duchess of Hohenberg, who out of
personal motives was doing her utmost to make friends
with those who were likely to help her. The Duchess,
who was certainly one of the most remarkable women of
her generation, occupied a false position at the Vienna
Court. She was the daughter of a Bohemian nobleman
of high birth and lineage, but, her father having but
small means, she had been taken as her lady-in-waiting
by the Archduchess Isabella, the consort of the Archduke
Frederick, more out of pity than anything else. The
Archduke Franz Ferdinand had been struck by her rare

The Duchess of Hohenberg 147

intelligence and fascinated by her clever conversation.
His aunt found out his attraction for the society of her
lady-in-waiting, and had turned the latter out of her
house. The Duchess had always been a devout daughter
of the Roman Catholic Church ; the Jesuits, therefore,
for reasons which may not have been disinterested, used
all their best endeavours to induce the young Archduke
to make her his wife. They succeeded. The wedding
was celebrated at the castle of Reichstadt, in Bohemia.
The progress of the personal history of Franz Ferdinand
and his morganatic wife is not pertinent to the present
narrative until after a long period from the wedding,
when the Duchess noticed that her husband's relations
with the Emperor William had lost something of their
old cordiality. She applied herself to re-establish them
and to make friends on her own account with the German
monarch, feeling sure that his protection would help her
over the difficulties she knew would be in her path on
the day when her consort became Emperor. William II.,
on his part, was glad to find an ally in the wife of Franz
Ferdinand, and he even invited the couple to visit
Potsdam, where he treated the Duchess as due to receive
like honour to that which would have been hers had she
been of the blood royal. He had long talks with her,
during which he gave her to understand that he would
always look upon her not only as his equal, but also as
a good friend and adviser in all political matters of mutual
interest to the monarchy of Austria-Hungary and to
Germany.

148 The Near East from Within

Nevertheless, when the Balkan complications arose,
the personal relations of the Emperor with his friend
again underwent a change. William II. said he did not
approve of the intervention of Austria in favour of
Bulgaria. He did not wish to appear at that particular
moment too well-disposed toward King Ferdinand. It
was at that time that William II. first entertained
seriously his great plan to wrest the Suez Canal from
England. It would not, therefore, have been consistent
to seem too interested in the aspirations of Ferdinand.
By reason, moreover, of these various circumstances he
had to exercise a good deal of caution in his relations with
the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and he endeavoured to
persuade him that it was not in his interest to create a
conflict between Austria and Servia for the sake of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, or even of Turkey.

The Duchess of Hohenberg entered readily into these
ideas, exerting her influence over her husband to induce
him to believe that his interests, even more than those
of his country, demanded that he should cause peaceful
elements to prevail in the decisions of the Viennese
Cabinet. A visit which the couple paid to the King and
Queen of England at Windsor Castle, during which the
Duchess was treated with extreme courtesy, if perhaps
with a shade less effusiveness than had been the case at
Potsdam, confirmed her in the idea that the best policy
her future sovereign could follow was to remain quiet
and wait for the natural development of events.

The result of my visit to Bucharest — as the reader

William II. and Franz Ferdinand 149

knows — was a flat refusal to entertain the proposal
inferred in the letter I carried from William II. to King
Carol. The rebuff, however, it transpired, did not cause
the German Emperor to bury his ambition. He trans-
ferred his attentions to the Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

The task before William II. was difficult and full of
intricacies, but not beyond his versatile powers. True,
he had discouraged Franz Ferdinand earlier, and now it
became incumbent to provide some incentive to stir the
Archduke into action. To my mind this lies at the
bottom of the self-invited visit to Konopischt and the
preliminary flattering of the Duchess of Hohenberg.

He spent three days with the Archducal couple, and
used his best eloquence to persuade the heir to the
Austrian throne that Russia had made up her mind to
interfere in favour of Servia, and aid her desire to win
the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their
annexation by Austria had long been a thorn in the side
of Servia. Neither the Archduke Franz Ferdinand nor
Count Berchtold, who had been asked to meet William II.
at Konopischt, fell in with his ideas. The Austrian
Foreign Secretary did not care to raise a storm the magni-
tude of which he could imagine, and the Archduke feared
that a w^ar would resolve itself into failure, so far as
Austrian ambitions were concerned. From the account
of this visit, as it was told me quite soon afterwards, the
Archduke had begun to resent the authority which
William II. had assumed over him. More than that,
his visit to England had convinced him that the British

150 The Near East from Within

Government was doing its best to restrain bellicose
tendencies.

It therefore became difficult for the German Emperor
to convince his friend that the moment had really come
when the existence of German civilisation, to use his own
expression, was threatened. William II. then tried the
Duchess of Hohenberg, but he found her even more
averse than the Archduke to a warlike pohcy. She
distinctly told the Emperor that the time had not arrived
when the Archduke could think of saddening the few
years, or perhaps even the few months, which his uncle
had left to live by precipitating the horrors of a European
war. William II. became very angry, and without a
word left the Duchess.

The last day of the Emperor William's stay in that
old Bohemian castle was by no means pleasant. Con-
siderable restraint had taken the place of the easy, familiar
intercourse which had marked the beginning of the visit.
A few hours before he said good-bye the Emperor tried
to ascertain the Archduke's intentions ; but Franz
Ferdinand was not in a good temper, and his blunt reply
was to the effect that most certainly he was not going to
draw chestnuts out of the fire for another person. The
two men parted in anger, and the Emperor remarked to
the aide-de-camp who had accompanied him to Kono-
pischt, that the Archduke would never listen to reason
and was blind to where lay his best interests.

With all his clumsiness Franz Ferdinand was not a
bad judge of character.

Sarajevo! 151

A month had hardly gone after the visit of the German
Emperor to the historic and noble castle hidden among
the roses which made its gardens such a thing of beauty,
when, in Sarajevo, a murderer raised his pistol, and with
two angry shots destroyed two lives. These shots did
more — they fired the first signal of a tragedy the like of
which the world has never seen.

CHAPTER XIV

SERVIA IN THE 'EIGHTIES

THE title I have given to the present chapter may
be somewhat of a misnomer, seeing that the action
of the story told herein begins in the 'seventies and
stretches through the next decade into the 'nineties. The
'eighties was a period pregnant with happenings in the
lives of the Servian royal family and full of portent for
the future history of Europe. Of these events the
murder of Franz Ferdinand was a distant reflex, for
which reason it becomes opportune to dip into the
tempestuous past of the Obrenovitch dynasty.

In those days Servia was still, as for centuries it had
been, a revolutionary, half -tamed country, one in which
human life counted for little, and where was exhibited an
utter disregard of the common laws of mankind. The
politicians of those days, too, were actuated by a perpetual
opportunism marked by a selfishness that bordered on the
marvellous, so guileless was it of any attempt at disguise.

The Karageorgevitch dynasty had superseded the
Obrenovitch. Perhaps "blotted out" is the nearer
expression. The father of the last representative was
King Milan, one gifted with uncommon insight and

152

King Milan of Servia 153

adaptability, but spoiled by Oriental guile and a mania
for material pleasure. He was popular in his country for
a considerable period, and probably would have contrived
to keep the appreciation of his people had it not been
for his domestic quarrels with his wife and the disgraceful
scenes that followed. He understood perfectly well the
nature of his subjects; when to flatter, equally as the
psychological moment to crush his many enemies. But
he was a man entirely without principle. After having
appeared to favour Russian interests, he suddenly turned
against Russia, and devoted all his energies to promoting
Austrian influence in Servia.

The reason for his sudden volte-jace lay in his personal
relations with Queen Natalie, whose Russian nationality
gave him a pretext for declaring himself the resolute
opponent of her country. He accused her of sacrificing
the interests of Servia. Whether this accusation was true
or not I cannot tell, but it can hardly be denied that
Natalie, in the different crises of her troubled life, sought
Russian help and tried to foster Russian influence among
her people. She believed that she would thereby be more
secure from the likelihood of an attempt on the part of
her husband to rid himself summarily of her, which was
her constant fear. She was not clever, or she would have
soon found out her mistake. Milan had been very much
in love with her, and, if one can believe all that one was
told by people who knew the secrets of the royal alcove,
felt very much affronted at the curt way in which she
received, or rather rejected, his affection. Beautiful as

154 The Near East from Within

she undoubtedly was, she had no idea of the power which
her beauty gave her, nor of the advantage it might have
proved had she only known how to use it. She was
inordinately vain, and was in her way just as profoundly
selfish as the King himself. She loved intrigue, and cared
only for the people who consented to flatter her. There
was a moment when she had hoped to overthrow King
Milan and get herself proclaimed regent of the kingdom
during the minority of her son. Her ambition in this
connection came to the knowledge of her husband, who
taxed her with it and asserted that Russia was at the
back of it all.

Whether the plot had really existed or not it is
difficult to say at this distance, but it has been related to
me with minute circumstance by more than one. It is
impossible to say more, because the first king of the new
dynasty caused all papers connected with the private life
as well as with the political activity of the Obrenovitchs
to be destroyed. It certainly was not out of the range
of possibility, when it is remembered that after the war
of 1877 Russia enjoyed considerable popularity in Servia,
and that the so-called Russia party, led by M. Pashitch,
had many adherents. Milan was a man who never looked
beyond the necessities or the satisfactions of the moment.
All the political and private mistakes he fell into pro-
ceeded from his inability to weigh carefully the possible
consequences of his actions and his instabihty of character.
In private life he might have been endured, but as a king
he was an execrable failure.

Queen Natalie i55

The Queen, who, as I have said, might have led the
King at her will had she only given herself the trouble
to do so, was in her way just as impulsive and passionate
as her husband. To these defects she added a jealousy
which was the more strange and inexplicable in that she
did not care for him. She bitterly resented his numerous
infidelities, and despised him for them. For his part, the
King studied to shower one insult upon another on her,
thwarting her in her dearest feelings. The disgraceful
story of the kidnapping— it can hardly be called anything
else — of her son from her is remembered in Servia to
this day, and those who knew well the royal family at
that time assert that this act, coming as it did from a
man who had never troubled much about his child, was
the prime factor in the subsequent troubles from which
Servia has suffered. The child would undoubtedly have
had a better chance if left in the care of the Queen, and,
indeed, he might never have been taken away had she
only acted rationally. Instead, she was actuated by the
wish to make herself unpleasant to her husband, and
sacrificed the interests of her son to that sole object.

She had been advised by one of her relatives who lived
in Russia to apply to the Tsar Alexander III. and claim
his protection against Milan, taking at the same time the
little Crown Prince to Petersburg. The idea was not a
bad one, and many subsequent sorrows might have been
spared to her had she only followed that wise plan. But
she believed that she was able alone to cope with her
numerous enemies, and had a sufficient number of

156 The Near East from Within

partisans in Servia to bring about Milan's deposition.
Some people say that she was imprudent enough to write
in that sense to a false friend, who took the letter forth-
with to the King, and that this letter confirmed the King
in his intention to appeal to the German authorities to
allow him possession of his child after he had divorced
the Queen.

The King hesitated for some days before deciding to
use force to recover his son, and was approached on the
subject by one of the confidential friends of William II.
At that time the Emperor had only been on the throne
a few weeks, but had followed most carefully the course
of events in Servia during his career as Crown Prince.
He saw his opportunity to establish Austrian influence at
Belgrade, and thus have an atmosphere congenial to
German ideas. It did not coincide with the interests of
the Triple AlHance to allow Russia to become paramount
in Servia, and Wilham II. well knew that any decided
antagonistic step taken by Milan in regard to Natalie
would more than anything else throw him into the arms
of Austria, and consequently Germany would thus be
able to establish herself firmly in the Balkan Peninsula.

Milan had as a great friend one of the few really
intelhgent men in Austria-Hungary. His name was
Count Eugene Zichy, a nobleman of high lineage,
enormous fortune, and great influence, who detested
Russia, and w^ho was constantly dreaming of the day
when Hungary would be able to avenge herself on the
Tsar for the ruthlessness with which his ancestor

Count Zichy's Dream 157

Nicholas I. had crushed the mutiny of 1848. He exer-
cised considerable influence over the mind of Milan,
whom he often helped pecuniarily, and to whom he
remained faithful to the end.

Count Zichy conceived the idea of creating a huge
Balkanic State entirely dependent upon and welded to
the Triple Alliance, which at a given moment might
support it in an attack on Russia. It was he who first
suggested that, thanks to the laxity of her diplomacy, the
Tsar might easily be ousted out of the Balkans. Count
Zichy knew Russia very well, had often been there, and
carefully observed her weaknesses and noted the mistakes
of those who governed her. He deluded himself to believe
that with perseverance the vast empire of the Tsar might
be reduced to the rank of a secondary Power, and, more-
over, he persuaded Milan that an aUiance with Turkey
on the one hand, and with Germany and Austria on the
other, would permit him to become the leader of a Balkan
confederacy owing nothing to Russia, and give him a
position far superior even to that of Ferdinand of Saxe-
Coburg.

Milan acquiesced more readily because this advice was
accompanied by a considerable gift of money, presented
in the form of a loan. He dismissed Natalie, and forced
the Archbishop of Belgrade to pronounce the divorce he
required. He then set himself resolutely to the task of
reorganising not only his army, but also the whole of the
Civil Service of Servia, according to the model of German
administration. Finally, it was through Milan as an inter-

158 The Near East from Within

mediary that the question of sending a German mihtary
mission to Constantinople was suggested to influential
men in Turkey, who in their turn persuaded the Sultan
to secure for himself the services of Prussian officers who
could train his troops according to the traditions of
Moltke, Roon, and all the other military heroes upon
whom Prussia prided herself.

That policy, if pursued with any perseverance and
steadfastness, might have been useful to Servia, no
matter how distasteful it would have proved to Russia.
Unfortunately, Milan was not capable of perseverance,
and he neither followed consistently the line he had taken
nor attempted to make it triumph. He spasmodically
rushed into extremes ; one moment favouring Russia, the
next Austria. By the instability of his conduct he dis-
gusted all his warmest partisans, and, to culminate his
errors, unexpectedly abdicated in favour of his son, under
a regency.

A warm supporter of Russia, M. Pashitch at once

became Prime Minister, and applied himself to the best

»

of his ability to re-establish good relations with Russia.
Alexander III. was still alive at that time, and he was
disposed to look with an approving eye on the renewal
of the terms of friendship which had formerly existed
between Belgrade and Petersburg. Little by little things
assumed their former course, and Russia became again
an element of support for Servia in the latter's relations
with her immediate neighbours. Russian officers were
called to Belgrade to serve as instructors to the Servian

Reconciliation of Milan and Natalie 159

army, which was reorganised on the Russian model.
Austria began to be represented as an enemy of Servian
independence, and accused of intriguing in order to be
given the direction of the education of the young King,
over whom Milan had renounced control.

This calm, however, did not last long. The first
person to break the peace was Natalie, who declared that
she wanted to come back to Belgrade to resume her rank
as Queen. The news was sufficient to draw the ex-King
back to Servia, where he began to intrigue against his
old Ministers. A plot was hatched which had for its
object the imprisonment of the leading members of the
so-called " Russian party," and very soon Milan found
himself again at the head of affairs, this time as the
guardian of his own son.

He installed himself at the Konak of Belgrade, and
made himself very much at home there. All this time
Natalie was living at the house of a friend. One day
she met her former husband in the street. This led to
further meetings, and in a few days Milan asked her to
forget the past and to return to him, an offer which for
once she was wise enough to accept, realising that her
actual position was far from enviable. She left the
city for a few days, and when she returned to it, after
the decree which had reimited her to Milan, the city of
Belgrade gave her a most enthusiastic w^elcome. She had
lost none of her former popularity in Servia.

With the return of Natalie things changed consider-
ably at the Court of her son. Owing to his youth the

i6o The Near East from Within

boy, though King in name, was not allowed to e? ircise
any authority. Milan held the reins of government and
was responsible for the conduct of pubhc affairs. The
part suited him. It caused chagrin to the Queen, who
saw her hopes blasted once more. She had to smile on
the many Austrians who crowded into Belgrade, where
Milan received them with open arms, and she had, more-
over, to submit to the wild unrestraint of the King.
Very soon life at the Konak became impossible, and as
the Queen declared that nothing would ever make her
exile herself a second time, Milan had to go, leaving his
son to the care of Queen Natalie.

The Queen's triumph did not last long. The Cabinet,
and M. Pashitch especially — who though not in power,
yet was absolute master of the situation — found out that
the Queen, no longer fearing her husband, was intriguing
to bring about an armed intervention of Russia in Servia.
But finding that no one listened to her, and that she
was fast losing any influence she might have possessed
in the past, Natalie forsook her son, and left again
for Paris.

Before she left, however, she managed to have a long
conversation with her son. During her absence from
Belgrade his affection had suffered alienation, and he had
become imbued with the belief that she was so swayed by
ambition that she would have scrupled at nothing to
wield unfettered the power she coveted. He was, there-
fore, pleasantly surprised when he found that Natalie
advised him to put an end to the strife which was fast

M. Pashitch and Russia i6i

making the Court of Belgrade the laughing-stock of
the world. He should, she said, secure the necessary
authority to rule the State independently of his advisers,
none of whom was disinterested. She recommended
certain officers who would be willing people to help him
in that enterprise, and before she went away mother and
son had decided upon a plan which they honestly believed
was born in their own brains, but which had in reality
come from Germany through the instrumentality of the
Queen's sister, the Princess Ghika, whose husband
occupied the position of Roumanian Minister at Berhn,
and with whom the Emperor William had struck up a
great friendship.

It was that sovereign who, seeing that M. Pashitch
was once more gaining ground with his ideas of a Servo-
Russian rapprochement, had made another attempt to
snatch Servia and her young King from the snares of
Russian influence — which was the way, I was told,
Wilham II. had referred to the matter; and I have no
doubt that he really viewed himself as the ordained saviour
of Servia. The German Emperor suggested to Princess
Ghika that the best thing her sister could do was to
induce her son to proclaim himself of age, and thus
deliver himself from the Ministers who held him in
thraldom. Natalie was at once converted to that point
of view, and, as we have seen, persuaded young Alexander
to take the step.

These incidents explain the hidden causes that finally
led to such grave results at the time of the assassination

i62 The Near East from Within

of the unfortunate son of Natalie, and later still to the
fate which overtook the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and
his wife. Wide apart as the two catastrophes seem to
stand from each other, they yet proceed from the same
root-cause and are an outcome of the same reckless
ambitions.

CHAPTER XV

ALEXANDER OF SERVIA AND QUEEN DRAGA

"OETWEEN the warring influences of his father and
-*-^ mother it is no wonder that when Alexander be-
came King of Servia the poor child knew but little of
principles and was prone to succumb to the first tempta-
tion which arose. He had seen those whose conduct
ought to have been an example to him resort to perfidious
manoeuvres in order to harm one another; he had had
every opportunity to watch the chicanery of the different
political leaders who in turns ruled the country ; he had
listened to men who constantly told him that in politics
the end justified the means, and that victory belonged to
the side who lied and cheated to the best effect.

In his boyhood he had been devoted to his mother,
but when, in a literal sense, he had been snatched from
her arms he had fallen under the influence of his
unprincipled father, who, to be revenged on the wife
who had disdained him, had blackened her character to
his son. The result was that Alexander of Servia grew
to despise both his parents, and at eighteen years of
age was a youth who respected nothing and who was

absorbed in himself and his personal pursuits.

163

i64 The Near East from Within

When Natalie returned to Belgrade, reconciled at
least in appearance to her husband, she found her boy
cold and disdainful. He had forgotten the tenderness
she had lavished upon him in the past, as well as his own
affection for her. It is but natural that she resented this
state of things deeply, and that her feelings in regard to
Milan became even more bitter than they had been when
he had divorced her. When she returned to Servia, and
had consented to condone the past, the act did not carry
with it a forgetfulness of his conduct. What she had
desired was to gather around her once more her former
friends and partisans at the Konak of Belgrade.

It was not long before she found that, as the mother
of the young sovereign who had replaced his father upon
the throne, she was watched in all her movements, and
that everyone was trying to represent her to her son
Alexander as an ambitious, unscrupulous woman, who
would not hesitate even to commit crime if she saw in
its accomplishment a personal advantage for herself.

Natalie applied herself to overcome the prejudices
which had been instilled into her son's mind and to win
his confidence. This did not prove so difficult after all,
despite the evident coolness with which the young King
treated his mother, because Alexander deeply felt the
need of a friend in whom he could confide. When, there-
fore, she explained to him that he ought to make an
attempt to govern alone, and to rid himself of a regency
which insisted upon treating him like a baby, he listened
with favour to the idea.

Alexander's Coup d'Etat 165

As I have already mentioned, the Queen was partly
advised by her sister, the Princess Ghika, in whom the
Emperor William II. had found a warm ally, and who
inspired Natahe in the campaign which the latter waged
against the principal Servian statesmen who wanted to
force the young King to act according to their ideas and
opinions. The Queen proceeded with the utmost caution,
and directed the conspiracy with such consummate skill
that very few so much as suspected its existence. Alex-
ander, therefore, proclaimed himself of age on April 1st,
1893, and assumed the conduct of the affairs of the
Government before anyone in Belgrade had even thought
he had the slightest wish to do so.

At first this act of independent authority made the
young King very popular throughout Servia. Everybody
hoped great things from the boy who had shown he was
a man instead of a puppet, and one and all hailed his
act of independence with joy ; the coup was considered
to have been opportune and well planned. Milan became
more unpopular than ever. He tried to have an explana-
tion with the young King, but his questions were met
with such freezing politeness that he decided not to
pursue them any farther, and retired to Hungary, where
he was welcomed by his old friend. Count Zichy.

Count Zichy was an extremely clever man, and he at
once made up his mind that it was worth while to try,
by making use of the imdercurrents in the Court, to
drive the young King into the embrace of Austria. In
order to achieve this object Count Zichy spared neither

i66 The Near East from Within

trouble nor money, and it was principally due to his
efforts in this direction that Servia became inundated
with people of Austrian birth. No pains were spared to
transform Servia into an Austrian province.

The Count stood high in the good graces of the
Emperor William, who had invited him on more than
one occasion to shoot with him. During the frequent
visits he made to Berlin he had been made acquainted
with the general outlines of the plans of the German
sovereign, and had entered with enthusiasm into his views
as to the necessity of putting an end to Russian designs
in the Balkan Peninsula. The Count became the princi-
pal agent of Prussia in Servia, and he could act with
the more impunity because no one dreamed the inner
politics of that country could be of the slightest interest
to the wise people who ruled at Wilhelmstrasse.

Very soon the apparent lull in home politics which
had followed the assumption of the reins of the Govern-
ment by King Alexander came to an end, and the battle
for supremacy in Servia was resumed with renewed
vigour. Amid all this turmoil King Alexander lost his
way; he felt helpless in presence of all these rivalries,
animosities, and strifes, and, to make matters more
perplexing still for the lad — Alexander was no more
than that— the Queen also left Belgrade, saying to her
son that as he would not listen to her advice he must act
on his own responsibility. WilUam II., in his interest
in the welfare of Servia, wrote once or twice to King
Alexander, urging him to consider Austria as his best

Madame Draga Maschin 167

friend and his only protection against Russia. And all
this time the quiet influence of Princess Ghika was busy.

Perplexed, worried, and utterly unable to see what
path he ought to enter upon, Alexander took a short
holiday in the hope that the quietness would enable him
to decide upon a course which would be best for Servia.
He went to Biarritz to see his mother, and there fell
under the charm of Madame Draga Maschin, the lovely
woman whom he was ultimately to make his wife.

Madame Draga Maschin was at that time something
like thirty-two years of age. She had been married to
an officer in the Servian army, Colonel Maschin, from
whom, however, she had very quickly secured a divorce.
Thanks to the protection of her brother, for whom Queen
Natalie had a warm regard, and whom she felt bound to
protect for various reasons too long to relate here, Draga
had become lady-in-waiting to the deposed sovereign, and
had very soon succeeded in making herself indispensable.

She was exceedingly clever, insinuating, possessed a
wonderful charm, and was eminently attractive. She had
a brilliant talent for music, and composed verses which
were taking though meretricious. Apart from these
advantages, she had a soft, pleasant, melodious voice,
and appealed to the senses of men by an exceedingly
sympathetic manner that spoke volumes even when she
said nothing.

Queen Natalie grew to like her extremely, and when
her son came to see her she often appealed to her lady-
in-waiting to amuse and entertain him. Very soon the

i68 The Near East from Within

young King, still a boy in years and in experience, fell
under the fascination of Madame Maschin, who won
his confidence and assumed the attitude of an entirely
disinterested friend. She spoke with Alexander, dis-
cussed with him the difficulties of his position, advised
him what to do or say, and conquered his heart by show-
ing him plainly that she loved him for his own sake — a
thing that the poor boy had always yearned for but
hitherto never found. It was not long before the idea
of marrying her filled the King's mind, and he forthwith
started to carry out his desire, without reflecting for a
moment on the opposition such an intention on his part
was bound to meet with throughout Servia.

The first person who became aware of the state of
affairs was Queen Natalie, and it would be difficult to
describe the state of dismay into which the discovery
plunged her. She implored her son to desist from his
intentions, and at last, finding all her efforts futile, she
appealed to King Milan himself and asked him to con-
vince their son that he had no right so to brave the public
opinion of the whole of Europe.

Milan called his son to him at Vienna, and used his
best eloquence to dissuade him from the dangerous step
he was about to take, but the influence of Draga Maschin
proved stronger than that of Milan. Curtly and with
boyish arrogance he told his father that he was going
to please himself, and that he felt no impulse to listen
to parents who had never troubled about his existence.

It was about that time that Draga was approached by

Draga Declines to Intrigue 169

a mysterious personage, who turned out to be one of the
confidants of the German Emperor, and asked whether,
in case she received certain necessary help to secure the
fulfilment of her heart's desire, she would use her influ-
ence over King Alexander to further Austrian interests
in Servia. Draga was an ambitious woman, but she was
a patriot. She was no fool, moreover, and realised the
true import of the proposal, but felt afraid to say so for
fear of a trap. She therefore treated the message as a
joke. Unfortunately for her, the fact that she had
received the mysterious emissary did not remain secret,
and later on the knowledge was used against her by the
very people who had first approached her.

When Belgrade heard of the impending marriage of
its young King it became furious, and from the very
outset Draga found herself placed in an impossible
position. For her own sake it was regrettable that she
made matters worse by affecting a ridiculously overween-
ing pride. Her very fear of being thought familiar led
her to become haughty and insolent toward people she
should have done her best to conciliate. Instead of
allying herself courageously with one party, she sought
to pander to all, with the result that each one dubbed
her false and unreliable, and when she was in danger
abandoned her to her fate with the utmost indifference.

For one moment, however, the efforts of Germany
seemed to prevail, and Draga, utterly discredited in her
own country and made the object of bitter and un-
warranted attacks, in pique turned her thoughts toward

170 The Near East from Within

Berlin, whence she expected help and protection even
more than from Vienna. She invited the German
Minister to come to the Konak, and told him that she
was ready to favour the development of Austrian policy
in the Balkan Peninsula. The tragedy of it all was that
when this occurred it was already too late to save herself ;
the plot was in action which doomed the Queen and her
youthful husband to a cruel death. The awful culmina-
tion is too well known and its details are too harrowing
to bear repetition, but there are certain circumstances
connected with it which have long remained unknown
to the general public. The soul of the conspiracy was
a man who on different occasions has played an import-
ant part in the internal troubles which during the last
quarter of a century have shaken Servia, and who
undoubtedly is to this day one of its leading figures and
most active politicians. That man was at different times
a member of the Government, and had favoured Russian
interests and Russian influence.

Another man of political eminence who was a strong
supporter of Russian interests, and who believed the
regeneration of his country could only be accomplished
under the shadow of the Tsar, was M. Pashitch, of whom
much has been heard in recent years.

M. hated King Milan, who had done his best

to get rid of him even to the length of an attempted
assassination. His personal views in regard to the
marriage of the young King were tinged by the fact
that he knew somewhat of the early life of Queen Draga

Opposition to Queen Draga 171

when she was only just out of her teens. His rage knew
no bounds when he found out that the Queen was making
advances to the Austrian party and endeavouring to turn
her husband's mind against Russia. He tried to induce
M. Pashitch to wink at a plan to kidnap the Queen and
to shut her up in an asylum. He also wanted Draga
to adopt the principles of the Russian party. The
Queen, knowing the man and that he knew her earlier
career, feared that this invitation contained a snare, and
elected to follow the advice of the German emissaries who
had found the means to approach her, and, further, to
display all her powers of persuasion to induce the King
to fall in with the washes of the Austrian Minister.

Such conduct was the last straw. The politician in
question had hesitated before the accomplishment of what
he felt would be an atrocious, even if, as he thought,
justifiable, crime. But when he had ascertained of a
certainty that a pact of alliance between the Queen and
the Austrian envoy had been concluded, he hesitated no
longer, and began at once negotiations wath Prince Peter
Karageorgevitch, the pretender to the throne of Servia,
who was living in Geneva.

Prince Peter declared that though he was ready to
step upon the throne of his native country should there
be any expressed wish for him to do so, he would not
be privy to any enterprise by which the life of King
Alexander could be compromised. He was asked whether
he would sanction measures of force in case these became
necessary, and is reported to have replied '* that he would

172 The Near East from Within

prefer not to be asked that question, and that he felt
sure his friends would act for the best."

This was quite sufficient. When M. returned

to Belgrade he had made up his mind what to do, and
he acted accordingly^

His first step was to call together a few officers of
whose feelings and opinions he felt quite sure, and before
them he unfolded a plan by which it was decided to carry
away the Queen and to lock her up in a monastery,
whence she would never emerge aUve. What would
happen were she to show resistance was left on the knees
of the gods, but none among the people who were present
doubted what the outcome would be.

On June 10th Queen Draga received an anonymous
letter by which she was implored to" do her best to restrain
the King from showing himself too much in public during
the days that were coming on, as well as to keep a strict
watch upon her own movements. She simply laughed
when the warning was conveyed to her. Her enemies,
however, neglected no detail. The sentinels at the palace
were suborned, and keys obtained of all the doors leading
to the private apartments of the sovereigns.

The King and Queen had already retired for the night
when the conspirators invaded the Konak. Frightened
at the sound of voices, Draga persuaded her husband to
seek a refuge behind a curtain in their bedroom. There
they spent over three hours whilst the whole of the palace
was being searched. Unfortunately, a slight movement
which they made betrayed their presence. But for this

The Royal Murders 173

circumstance it is probable that they would have remained
undetected. One of the party went up to the King, who
was holding the Queen, and dragged him into the middle
of the room. As the unfortunate monarch wanted to
resist and shield her from the assassins, they stabbed him
to the heart, and then threw his body out of the window
into the street. Draga was butchered, for no other
expression can be used, and her body also hurled into
the street. Later, the corpses of the King and Queen
were found by monks, who buried them in an old abbey
where the Obrenovitch dynasty possessed a family vault.
The next day Prince Peter Karageorgevitch was
elected King.

CHAPTER XVI

SERVIA UNDER KING PETER

THE Karageorgevitch dynasty, after a lapse of some
sixty years, came back to the throne in the person
of King Peter. Certain melodramatic writers have said
that he waded through blood to his throne, thereby
inferring that Prince Peter was privy to the crime which
brought the crown once more to his House. Anyone who
knows his character will never believe this accusation for
a moment. That he knew a revolution was in coiu-se is
not doubtful, but it is also quite certain that the con-
spirators did not tell him what were their ultimate
intentions. When the news of the assassination of King
Alexander was brought to Prince Peter he was shocked
beyond expression, and it is certain that in the first
moment of horror he declared that he would not appear
to have anything to do with such an atrocious deed,
preferring to renounce any pretensions he might have
to the crown of Servia.

Happily for the brave little nation. Prince Peter's
brother. Prince Arsene Karageorgevitch, had sufficient
influence to persuade Peter to take the throne. Formerly
Arsene had been in the Russian service as an officer in a

174

Prosperity Attends the Reign 175

crack regiment — the Chevaliers Gardes. He possessed a
most determined character, and he it was who put the
sword into the hand of his brother, insisting on the latter
accepting the sovereignty which was thus unexpectedly
thrust upon him. He asserted that the Karageorgevitchs
owed it as a duty to Servia to return to the throne at
that perilous moment of Servian history. If a regular
government were not proclaimed at Belgrade, Arsene
argued perceptively, Austria would not hesitate to occupy
the capital and to invade the country. He so strongly
forced his decisive arguments upon his brother that a
few hours later Prince Peter was proclaimed King of
Servia.

He has filled this difficult position with great tact and
undoubted political skill. Very soon Servia entered into
a long period of prosperity, and though sceptics used to
shake their heads and say that the unusual calm could
not last for an appreciable period, yet it is certain that
the country began to breathe more easily than had been
the case for many years.

The strength and success of the new reign and the
stability which seemed to be in a fair way to become
established aroused first the astonishment and then the
uneasiness of German diplomacy, in which the German
Emperor shared. Nor was the Teutonic mind soothed
by the different reports received from Constantinople
in the strain that ere long Servia would secure the
entire sympathy and protection of Russia. Out of this
new development it was recognised that Servia might

176 The Near East from Within

conceivably develop ambitions in regard to supremacy
in the Balkans, which would end in the overthrow of
Ferdinand of Bulgaria, at that time still the Prince
Ferdinand.

At this juncture Germany saw that it was high time
to take steps if she wished not to abandon the Emperor's
cherished aim — the annihilation of Russian influence in
the Near East. In order to achieve this desirable object
it was vitally necessary to enlist the co-operation of one
of the small Christian kingdoms of the peninsula.
William II. did not quite trust Ferdinand of Coburg,
whose faculty for forgetting promises inspired him with
deep mistrust; Roumania was already entirely German,
or at least he supposed that she was ; Montenegro was
but a dwarf, to which there was no necessity to pay
the slightest attention ; whilst Greece could always be
managed, thanks to the strong German sympathies of
the Crown Prince and to the influence of the Crown
Princess Sophie, who was the sister of the Emperor.
Only Servia remained. If she could be drawn into the
German Emperor's political constellation she might
prove of infinite value in assuring the humiliation of
Russia.

But it was not so easy. There were patriots in Servia
who were determined not to allow her to be launched on
dangerous seas, and who, moreover, were popular all over
the country. Among them was M. Pashitch, of whom
I have already spoken, a wise, experienced, clear-headed
politician, who looked beyond the success of the moment,

Prince George of Servia 177

and who was the leader of the progressive and loyal
party in Servia. Associated with M. Pashitch was M.
Guentchitch and a few other sincere lovers of their
country. They advocated their views with strength and
eloquence before King Peter, and he was wise enough
to follow their lead. Thereby he more firmly established
himself and his dynasty on the throne.

Very soon the Austrian Minister at the Court of
Belgrade called the attention of his Government to
matters in Servia and certain developments brought about
by Servian influence in Bulgaria. Serious alarm was
caused among the private councils in Vienna, and the
Emperor William was urgently advised of the course
which events were taking at Belgrade.

It soon became evident to the few who were
acquainted with the inner political ramifications that
trusted agents of Germany were at work, for there arose
an exponent of the advantage which Servia would gain
from an understanding between Vienna, Berlin, and
Belgrade in the person of the Crown Prince. The fact
that Prince George should so opportunely come forth as
the champion of a coalition against which his father and
the more progressive statesmen were fighting all the time
was significant, as, too, it was that Prince George should
at that time suddenly recover from the pecuniary embar-
rassments which had long beset him. Things had not
been smooth between the Crown Prince and his father
owing to the warped ambitions of the son, and because
of his social eccentricities.

M

178 The Near East from Within

Prince George had always been the black sheep of his
family. Of an active and boisterous temperament, he
had, ever since he reached the years of discretion, chafed
under the strict discipline in which he had been brought
up, and rebelled against the strong hand with which his
father ruled his family. At different times the Crown
Prince had tried to induce the King to initiate him into
statecraft and to grant him some independence without
his every step being reported. The King, who was in
perpetual fear as to what his son might say or do next,
refused to accede to this desire, remembering that more
than once he had had occasion to reprimand Prince
George for his unseemly licence of language and of
deportment. King Peter's reproofs had been received in
anything but a grateful mood, and very soon the Crown
Prince set himself up in direct opposition to his father,
and began to gather round him a group of friends deter-
mined to support him in any antagonism he might adopt
to annoy the Sovereign and his advisers.

At a moment when this state of things became acute
the Crown Prince was approached by an agent, who gave
him to understand that in case of a coup d^etat of some
sort he might count on the protection of Germany as
well as that of Austria. The Crown Prince was at first
flattered though surprised, then slightly alarmed, and it
was whilst under the apprehension caused by that last-
mentioned feeling that he opened his heart to one of his
friends, who happened at the same time also to be a friend
of M. Pashitch. The Ministry, naturally, quickly learned

The Crown Prince is Restive 179

that the Crown Prince was meditating a revolt against
the authority of his father, and that he planned to have
Peter locked up in a fortress whilst he himself was pro-
claimed King of Servia. M. Pashitch was thunderstruck,
but at the same time wise enough to see that however
plausible, it might be untrue, and even if it were every
bit as serious as it was made out, he could not make any
use of the information, as at that time he did not possess
a shred of proof justifying an accusation of conspiracy
against the heir to the throne. In this perplexity he had
recourse to the ability of a friend who more than once
had risen to the needs of an occasion.

The Crown Prince in his frequent quarrels with his
father had always threatened to resign his rights to the
crown and to transfer them to his brother Prince Alex-
ander, a dashing, clever, energetic young fellow, who
favoured Russian interests and hated Prince Ferdinand
of Bulgaria. He had always been his father's favourite,
and his relations with the Crown Prince, though very
affectionate, had not been altogether smooth. According
to the ideas of the particular group of political men
represented by M. Pashitch, he would make an ideal
ruler to follow his father when in the course of nature the
throne should be vacant. This fact led to the conception
of the idea of putting him in his elder brother's place.

The proposal, however, would not be easy to carry
out, considering that, in spite of his many extravagances.
Prince George had done nothing provable that would
have warranted such a grave measure as dispossessing him

i8o The Near East from Within

of his rights. The alternative, therefore, was to induce
Prince George to do it wiUingly. The Prince fell into
the snare one day when he happened to be in a particu-
larly bad temper, and was, moreover, enlivened by
champagne. He declared with violent emphasis that he
was tired of being treated as a child, and called for paper
and ink to be brought to him. He was going, he said,
to write at once to his father and to the Skupstchina,
throwing over his reversion to the crown ; that, he
boasted, would soon bring his father to his senses. Pen
and paper together with the necessary ink were, of
course, speedily forthcoming, and he vaingloriously signed
his name to documents whereby he became a private
individual, and an impecunious one at that. The latter
deficiency was, however, rerfioved, because the King m-
sisted on the debts of Prince George being paid and on
his being granted a large allowance.

Later on, when the excitement of the first moment
was over, Prince George bitterly repented the hastiness
which had made him yield to the advice of interested
people. When he attempted to say something of the
kind, he was told that there was no going back on a
resolution which had already been made public, and that
he must resign himself to the inevitable. He took the
thing in better part than could have been expected, and,
forgetting the ambitious dreams which he had nursed,
accepted his new position with enough good humour and
philosophy to make the world believe that he had really
desired to be free.

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Alexander as Crown Prince i8i

After the renunciation of Prince George matters
became at once easier for the partisans of Russia. Prince
Alexander submitted readily to the advice of M. Pashitch ;
and when later the only daughter of King Peter married
a member of the Russian Imperial family, it seemed that
nothing was going to prevent the conclusion of an offen-
sive and defensive alUance between the Romanoffs and
the dynasty of Karageorgevitch.

The Emperor William, however, was not altogether
so pleased as people were in Servia. He saw once more
his cherished plan crumbling to the ground, and the
possibility of a strong Slav kingdom establishing itself,
with the help and imder the protection of Russia, in
opposition to weak, tottering Turkey and in rivalry to
the new Bulgarian monarchy. It became necessary,
therefore, to press certain events, the inner purport of
which I knew, and which, personally, I considered to be
unwise on broad lines of statesmanship. Yet, as ever,
the German Emperor compelled those who thought as I
did to remain silent, and he sought to compel Servia to
declare itself in favour either of Austria or of Russia, so
as to be sure of her attitude in future eventualities. Con-
currently, William II. threw himself resolutely into an
anti-Russian policy, and used all the means at his disposal
to persuade the Sultan, and especially Enver Pasha, that
the time had come when Turkey ought to avenge herself
for her past defeats and shake off influences which had
long restricted her actions.

When the threats of a war in the Balkans shook the

i82 The Near East from Within

equanimity of Europe, the Emperor, instead of advising
Turkey to yield, encouraged her in her ideas of resistance,
and concurrently excited both Servia and Bulgaria against
the Turkish Empire. Whilst the Berlin Cabinet was con-
tinually repeating that it wished for peace, and that peace
ought to be imposed on the beUigerent parties, I know
from my own observation and the hints given here and
there that the Emperor personally was advising the Bel-
grade and the Sofia Cabinets not to renounce one iota
of their pretensions, and at the same time insisting on the
Sultan refusing any compromise.

As we know, the war broke out, and was followed by
a campaign in which Bulgaria fought against Servia and
Greece. During its course King George of Greece was
murdered at Salonika, and Austria began showing her
cards, allowing the world to guess that she did not mean
to let Servia have it all her own way, and that, whatever
happened, she would stand by her faithful friend Prince
Ferdinand of Coburg.

In Servia M. Pashitch was never idle for a moment.
He saw that the moment had come when the basis of an
alliance betweeen Russia and the Balkan States might be
discussed. He sent his friend M. Guentchitch to Peters-
burg, where he remained five months, seeing Ministers
and important political men, and working steadfastly for
the cause of Servia. His perfect knowledge of the
Russian language and his experience in politics were
of extreme use to him, while thanks to his efforts,
which included numerous contributions to different

King Peter in Petersburg 183

Russian newspapers, he soon succeeded in winning a
widespread and practical sympathy for his country.

His efforts were seconded in Belgrade by the Russian
Minister there, M. Hartwig, one of the cleverest, ablest
diplomats that Russia has ever possessed. M. Hartwig
knew the East through and through, having been for
something like ten years under the orders of Count
Ignatieff during the latter's tenure of the Constantinople
Embassy. He hated Austria, and always declared that
until the Tsar had annihilated her as a dangerous and
intriguing foe Russia would never be able to develop her
vast resources in peace. He worked with all his might
to secure a Russo-Servian aUiance as a precaution against
the storm which he repeatedly warned his Government
was brewing in the distance. It was his firm belief that
the world had reached such a state of complexity that
nothing short of a bloody conflict could make things
straight.

M. Hartwig understood better than most the subtle-
ties and sophisms which guided poHcy in the Near East,
and to counteract the effects of Austrian duplicity and
German intrigues he would have liked his countr\- to
stand out boldly and pose as the champion of the Slav.
He laid the basis of an imderstanding, the details of which
were ratified by King Peter when he visited Petersburg
during the course of last spring.

When the peace of Bucharest had been signed, people
began to breathe freely once more, and to indulge in hopes
that the everlasting Eastern Question would at last be

i84 The Near East from Within

allowed to disappear for some time from the political
horizon. Austria seemed to have become reconciled to
the inevitable; Ferdinand of Bulgaria appeared intent
upon repairing the havoc' produced in Bulgaria by the last
war ; Turkey had won back Adrianople, and seemed quite
content with a piece of good luck which she had had no
right to expect. All seemed fair for peace, but it was only
in seeming ; the everlasting unknown quantity was still at
work, biding its time to engulf men and nations in a
bloody eruption.

CHAPTER XVII

A Russian's opinion

ly yl" HART WIG, whom I have mentioned in the
•^^-■-* previous chapter, was certainly one of the ablest
diplomats Russia ever sent abroad to watch over her
interests, owing largely to his remarkable sense of in-
tuition. Though I knew him very well and was in
constant intercourse with him to within a day or two
of his death, I never could quite make out the extreme
rapidity with which he came to conclusions and — some-
times before anyone else had had time to realise that a
thing had really happened — prophesied with an accuracy
that seldom was proved wrong what would follow upon
it. He was an ardent patriot, and though he longed for
Russian paramountcy on the Bosphorus, he was not a
fanatical Slavophil. As a matter of fact, he did not
care for Bulgarians or Servians ; what he wanted was
that Russia should acquire an undisputed influence in the
Balkan Peninsula. He believed firmly in the mission of
Russia, felt convinced that her destiny lay in Constantin-
ople, and that she was bound sooner or later to get
there. He wished it might be sooner. His hete noire was
Austria ; he firmly believed that she represented the most

185

i86 The Near East from Within

disquieting element in Europe, and that it would be
her diplomacy which would entangle Russia in a war in
which it was most certain that Germany would interfere.
M. Hartwig had spent some years in Buda-Pesth, and
had used the opportunity which was thus afforded him
to study with the utmost care and attention the political
men and the military preparations which were being made
in Austria. He distrusted profoundly the various states-
men who controlled the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.
He knew that these men, blinded as they were by
excessive vanity, would not hesitate under certain circum-
stances to resort to subterfuge of the grossest kind in
order to prevent friends of the day before realising the
nature of the attacks which were being prepared against
them.

M. Hartwig had continually warned his Government
that something was being premeditated against Russia
by the two allied countries of Germany and Austria.
His intuition caused him to suspect that the suddenly
aggressive policy of the Austrian Cabinet in regard to
the Slav movement in general was the advance guard of
a stronger determination. M. Hartwig never concealed
his behef that the underlying motive was the determina-
tion of the Emperor Wilham to destroy the two Powers
— Russia and England — which in his eyes represented the
principal obstacles to German expansion.

One reason for the uncanny foresight of M. Hartwig
may have been his profound knowledge of the doings of
the German Emperor. The fact that he was so strong in

M. Hartwig and William II. 187

his belief that WiUiam TI. was not what he seemed may
also have tinged his judgments, for the antagonism
amounted almost to an obsession. In justice to M. Hart-
wig it must be said that his was not the obstinacy of a
man arguing on nebulous superficialities, but the outcome
of a serious and a thorough study of William II. Start-
ing from a well-considered deduction that upon the
German Emperor alone depended the peace of the world
and the maintenance of the staUis quo in Europe,
M. Hartwig told me that he had made a collection of
the Emperor's various speeches in the hope of finding
in them the clue to that complicated and mystical
character who, as M. Hartwig put it, was capable of an
unlimited number of good and bad actions ; who, though
most religious in his words, was at heart the greatest
moral Nihilist that has ever existed; who, beyond his
personal glories and triumphs, saw nothing and cared for
nothing save the material aggrandisement of his country.
When all the world had praised tl\e moderation of the
Emperor and admired his efforts in the cause of peace,
and when it had been even proposed to grant him the
Nobel Prize, M. Hartwig was unmoved ; he protested,
indeed, against what he called " this utterly false appre-
ciation of the disposition of William II." He kept
repeating that time would show how durable were the
intentions of the Emperor, and that personally he did
not trust them.

We had more than one discussion on this subject, dis-
cussions which, as may be expected, sometimes bordered

i88 The Near East from Within

on quarrels, and during which he persisted in his opinion.
He assured me that all matters connected with German
armaments, though apparently well known everywhere,
were in reality buried in the most profound mystery, and
that for every soldier and for every gun openly avowed
there were two or three about which the world at large
knew nothing at all.

" Germany is a vast camp," he told me once when I
passed through Belgrade on my return from a journey
to Sofia about which I shall speak presently, "and most
likely it is a fortified camp into the bargain. Its storm-
ing will require the most tremendous sacrifices, and God
knows whether even these will prove sufficient. One
does not with impunity train a nation for forty-five years
in militarism without war breaking out one day. When
the fruit is ripe it is bound to drop from the tree. You
believe Germany to be pacific, in which I do not blame
you, because a man must have faith in his own country ;
but Germany is hypnotised. A kind of exasperation of
public opinion has systematically taken place in your
country, with the result that she is quite persuaded that
war will be declared upon her one of these days, and so
needs ever to be ready. The German people are pacific
by nature, I know it well, but Germany is far from being
pacific; there lies the whole difference. And this differ-
ence, you will see, will bring catastrophe."

"I cannot believe you," was my reply. "I know
my country also. I am bound to understand her feelings
better than you who are a foreigner, and I assure you

Rival Patriots 189

that not one of my compatriots desires a war, especially
a war with you."

" Can you guarantee me the feelings of your Emperor
on that subject?" asked M. Hartwig.

I stopped for a moment, rather at the remembrance
of M. Hartwig 's obsession than to consider a reply, and
whilst I was thus hesitating he remarked in that quick
manner of his which was so impressive :

" No, you cannot. When you come to think about it
seriously you are not at all sure that the Emperor wants
to preserve peace in Europe."

"It is you who are mistaken," I replied with heat.
" I have no doubt in my mind as to the desire of the
Emperor to avoid a war. What made me pause a httle
was that I cannot help thinking that you are prejudiced."

*' No; I am not prejudiced," said M. Hartwig. '* I
should be a very bad servant of my country if I allowed
prejudice to rule my judgment. I only see clearly what
others will not look upon. Germany must expand, must
look about for new fields for the activity of her children.
War is the necessary outlet. Her navy has now some
chance of success, and the army is being prepared. The
day it is ready your Emperor will put the match to the

fire."

*' Surely you exaggerate, or else you are under a bad
influence this evening," I remarked. "It is idle and
unjust to believe such things of a ruler whose words tell
such a different tale."

" Ah, well," repUed M. Hartwig with a shrug of

iQo The Near East from Within

the shoulders, " you will think one day of this conversa-
tion. Perhaps I shall be dead, but you will remember
how I prophesied to you that we tremble to-day on the
brink of great events, and how I said that Germany as
she stands to-day is a danger not only to the peace, but
also to the civilisation of the world."

M. Hartwig did not finish with that remark.

" You may ask me," he continued, "what makes me
take such a gloomy view of the situation, but here in
Belgrade, as all over the Balkan Peninsula, we see things
perhaps more clearly than anywhere else. We all know
that the slightest incident in these regions may bring
about events of unusual magnitude, and recently the
intrigues of Germany among the Slav populations of this
country have assumed quite threatening proportions, as
I have had the opportunity to see for myself."

"But why?" I asked.

"Because," came the immediate reply, "Germany
covets the Suez Canal and wants, too, to march eastward.
She can only do so either by the help of Turkey and the
connivance of Balkania, or by crushing both, and this
latter by the indirect means of Turkey and the Balkan
States taking arms against each other. Anj^ Balkan
conflict, all Europe knows, will involve Russia ; it is that
for which your Emperor is waiting."

" But your suspicions cannot be correct," I said.
"William II. has always done all that he could to main-
tain peace. There is absolutely no ground for your
assertion that the Emperor has changed so utterly."

Death of M. Hartwig 191

"You forget one thing," said M. Hartwig. "You
forget the relations which now exist between the Emperor
and the Crown Prince. Remember that and you have the
key to many a riddle which will yet puzzle the world. So
long as the Emperor was sole master of the situation he
could still be relied upon to a certain extent; but now
that he sees that his son has won for himself a considerable
amount of popularity among the military party he finds
his hand forced, and inevitably he will be obliged to make
war. The friends of the Crown Prince are accusing the
Sovereign of cowardice, and already say that he is afraid
of a war."

I jumped up on hearing this remark, vividly recalling
the words which a few weeks before had been used by
the King of Roumania. This similarity of opinion in
two men so opposed to each other, and each in his way
so remarkable, impressed me deeply.

I left Belgrade the next day, and never saw M.
Hartwig again. He died quite suddenly a few weeks
later, died in the house of his Austrian colleague with
whom he had been discussing several important pohtical
questions.

Many dark rumours were put into circulation con-
cerning his unexpected and tragic end. M. Hartwig was
certainly a man who saw things with a much clearer vision
than the majority of people, and his death at the very
moment when his services might have been of inestimable
value to his country added to the difficulties of the time.
His vast knowledge of Eastern affairs, his experience of

192 The Near East from Within

politics in general, and his strong sympathies for the
English alliance, which were the more curious that he
had never cared for England as a nation, would have been
most useful to M. Sazonov. Fate interfered, and when
he died Germany lost an adversary who was the more
dangerous in that he never allowed himself to be carried
away by passion, but judged of things and worked at
them with the utmost coolness and presence of mind.

CHAPTER XVIII

RIVAL INFLUENCES IN GREECE

FEW of the nations of the Near East have been free
from the overtures of German diplomacy, and Greece
is no exception. Owing to certain circumstances herein-
after made plain, Athens seemed to give promise of fruit
in the shape of a definite and practical friendliness be-
tween the Court of Greece and that of William II. How
diplomacy fared, and to what extent the personal feelings
of members of the Royal Family of Greece entered into
the relationship between their country and the German
Empire, forms a significant page of European history.

In certain other directions in Mid-Europe the net re-
sult of sedulous diplomatic courting on the part of Berlin
was a harvest of uncertainties and failures. Even where
inducements had been pictured in alluring colours, and a
measure of response had been felt, the proneness of
Balkan politicians to consider expediency a first law made
even the most solemn assurances unstable, and nothing
short of a definitely ratified alliance was worth trusting.
Of such words of the wind Wilham II. was getting weary
— Servia flouted him ; Roumania dallied with him ; in
Turkey, though he felt more sure, yet he recognised the

N 193

194 The Near East from Within

ruling passion for craft might undermine his position at
any time ; Bulgaria seemed a land of promise, but her
ambitions were inimical to Turkey, and thus stultified the
eflPect of diplomatic overtures if Turkey were to be kept
friendly.

The Balkan problem became more intricate for
Germany every year, and knowing as much as I do of the
inner workings of political dealings in the Near East, it
was forced upon me, in the face of the situation as pre-
sented above, that perilous times were ahead, and some-
thing more tangible inust be secured in the way of an
understanding with one of the Balkan League to enable
Germany to emerge without damaged prestige from the
network which had been woven during the last quarter
of a century.

The fact that William II. was bound by ties of
relationship to the reigning house of Greece led him to
direct the course of diplomacy to a friendly understand-
ing. It was true that King George of Greece had been
a Dane, and therefore hostile in spirit to German expan-
sion, but on the other hand a certain friendliness existed
between the two rulers. The King of the Hellenes,
indeed, had sent his eldest son to be educated and trained
at a German mihtary school, a period which came within
the lifetime of the Emperor William I. From the
academy the j^oung Prince had become attached to a
Prussian regiment of the Guards, and whilst he was drill-
ing his soldiers on the exercise ground at Potsdam the
heir to the Greek throne met and fell in love with pretty

Marriage of Prince Constantin 195

Princess Sophie, the second youngest daughter of the
then Crown Prince and of his consort the Princess Vic-
toria. His affection was reciprocated, and though the
father of the young lady, the Emperor Frederick III.,
died before the engagement of the lovers could be
announced, the course of their affection ran smoothly,
and they were married at Athens about a year after the
death of the Emperor, rather to the dismay of Queen
Olga of Greece, who did not like the idea of having a
Protestant for her daughter-in-law. This difficulty,
however, was easily surmounted when the new Crown
Princess, a few months after her marriage, entered the
Greek Church, a proceeding which led to a quarrel
between her and her elder brother, William II. For
many years brother and sister did not meet, and it was
only at the deathbed of their mother, the Empress
Frederick, that a reconciliation between them took place ;
even then it lacked sincerity.

The Princess Sophie did not trouble very much about
this estrangement. She is a very clever woman, gifted
with singular discernment, who has all the ambition of
her mother, and certainly more tact. During the war
which Greece fought with Turkey in the latter years of
the last century she was the only member of the Royal
Family who had the courage to say that it was bound
to end in disaster, and the only person who urged the
King, her father-in-law, to conclude peace before his
army had been entirely annihilated. This at first made
her many enemies, and as the Crown Prince was held

196 The Near East from Within

responsible for the defeat of the Greek army, he had
perforce to leave his native shores for a considerable time,
together with his family. It was during his compulsory
retirement at Cronberg, the castle which the Empress
Frederick had built in the Taunus Mountains, that the
German Emperor began to plant the first seeds of the
intimacy which was soon to reunite him to his sister and
brother-in-law.

Prince Constantin w^as at that time still a young man.
His education had imbued him with strong German
sympathies and with the desire to bring German influence
and German parliamentary principles into Greece. He
was a fine fellow, perhaps too heavy in appearance, but
handsome, and of pleasant manners and deportment. He
had been at one time very unpopular in his own country,
and was haunted by the desire to correct the errors which
arose from his acceptance of the supreme command of
the Greek army without having been sufficiently experi-
enced for the task. It was not a disaster to him, therefore,
when he saw Greece entangled in another war, for during
its course he hoped he would be able to win for himself
the laurels for which he longed. That hope had been
fulfilled, and he believed that it was mainly because he
had followed the advice of his brother-in-law. But as
the military reputation of the Crown Prince grew, his
relations with his own father became more and more
strained on account — so, at least, it was whispered — of
strong political differences which had arisen between
them. The King was authoritative in his family and ruled

King George of Greece 197

it with an iron hand. In that respect he had inherited
the character of his parents, the late King and Queen of
Denmark. Even the Queen, good and sweet as she was,
failed to smooth over the differences which crept up con-
tinually and rendered life at the Court of Athens anything
but pleasant. King George, who at one time felt great
sympathy with the Emperor William II., now began to
mistrust him, and did not look with favour upon his son's
intimate friendship with him. King George of Greece
was a wise and a cautious man, a sovereign with ambition,
tempered, however, with extreme prudence. Owing in
a large measure to his personal merits, added to his long
experience as a monarch, he had acquired quite an excep-
tional position amidst the other crowned heads of Europe,
and his advice was not infrequently sought in times of
diflSculty by his brother rulers.

He had a great abhorrence for what he called ' ' a
policy based on adventure," and, without having been
taken into the confidence of the German Emperor, he
suspected him of harbouring certain sinister designs
against two European Powers closely allied to the Royal
House of Greece, and furthermore feared that the Crown
Prince had had his ambitions fired through the same
agency. In consequence of an ancient prophecy which
was popular among the Greek population of the Levant,
that when a King called Constantin, married to a Queen
called Sophie, should reign at Athens the Cathedral of
St. Sophia would once more become a Christian church.
King George had strong apprehensions that the Crown

198 The Near East from Within

Prince — at the suggestion of Germany — would attempt
to overthrow the Sultan by force of arms, and have him-
self proclaimed Emperor of Byzance. His daughter-in-
law, the Crown Princess, shared the opinion of King
George as to the foolishness of such visions, and she, too,
would have preferred that her brother, William II.,
should not interfere with what, after all, did not concern
him. As for Queen Olga, though her relations with the
King had also become rather strained during the declining
years of the King's life, she shared the fears of her
husband. The Crown Prince alone kept up a regular
correspondence with his brother-in-law. Personally, from
certain private evidence which I cannot divulge, I am
satisfied that Constantin most certainly entered heart and
soul into the plans of the Emperor William II. in the
direction of Turkey.

Prince Constantin, however, did not remain for long
under the influence of these illusions, but when the fatal
shot fired at his father in Salonika had raised him to the
throne of the Hellenes, he quickly discovered the impos-
sibility of the stories which he had been told by his
brother-in-law. When responsibility of government had
been thrust on hiin he realised that his first duty consisted
in preserving the patrimony of his own children. The
indulgence of the reader must be asked, too, in regard
to an incident which was currently believed by the greater
number of the few political agents who learned of it. I
have no absolute proof, but, as I say, it is certain that
something extraordinary had taken place to cause the

u

o

8
o

u

o

5

S

u

Murder of King George 199

young King so to change his attitude, and that "some-
thing " was credited by the few to whom I refer as being
in the position to know to be a strange letter which had
reached him almost on the eve of his father's murder.
This communication told him in so many words that a
great change was impending, and that very soon he would
be able to show of what stuff he was made. In spite of
its impertinent and offensive tone, this cursory missive
had a ring of truth in it and had painfully jarred on the
nerves of the then Crown Prince. Two days later the
King was murdered in broad daylight in one of the most
frequented streets of Salonika.

Shortly after the death of King George of Greece I
was passing through Athens, and took occasion to call
upon King Constantin. A reminder that I had known
him in Berlin when he was a boy secured my admission.
I found him very little changed on the whole, and he
received me most warmly, talking about the time when
he had been in BerHn before his marriage. He asked me
numerous questions concerning various of his friends of
those early days, and seemed interested to learn that most
of them were still alive and well. Then the conversation
turned on recent events, especially on the assassination of
the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his consort. To my
surprise the King did not accept my remark that the
murderer was a Servian, who had been actuated simply
by a blind hatred of Austria and of her future Emperor.
On the contrary, he remarked that the existence of such
a plot had been proved in quite an irrefutable manner.

200 The Near East from Within

How, he did not enlighten me, but contented himself by
remarking : " I don't Hke saying too much, and I have
not seen the men who awaited the arrival of the auto-
mobile in which the Archduke rode, but I feel certain
that there exists a hnk between them and the misguided
Greek who fired at my poor father. More than that, I
would not be surprised to find that the same person was
initially responsible for both crimes."

This assertion of the young King struck me as abso-
lutely uncanny. Who. I asked myself, could have an
interest in the murder of these people.? To whom did
they constitute an obstacle.?

I could find no reply.

CHAPTER XIX

THE FAILURE OF GERMAN INTRIGUE IN MONTENEGRO

THE aged King Nicholas of Montenegro has never
looked leniently upon German intrigue, despite
strong inducements. Not even would he consent to
promise an attitude of neutrality — he refused to be
tied by a single thread which might hamper his inde-
pendence. The influence exercised by the aged King
over the Slav races was in itself an important factor in
all matters connected with the development of that great
Slav Empire about which so many people had dreamed
in Russia as well as all over the world. On the other
hand, Germany had long cherished the desire to stand
forth as the protector of the Slavs, either on her own
account or indirectly through Austria. The Emperor
William knew that under existing conditions the other
Powers would not allow him to exercise dominance in
the Balkans, and he soon found out that Austria was not
strong enough to be able to dictate to the Balkan States.
It therefore became desirable to win over one or other
of the small Sovereigns whom perpetual rivalries made
eager to attain a position whence they could afford to do
without their neighbours. From this standpoint German

201

202 The Near East from Within

diplomacy had its attention focused upon Montenegro
for a long time. The German Emperor knew very well
that King Nicholas was devoted to Russia, and moreover
that, with two of his daughters married to Russian
Grand Dukes, it was but natural he should support to
the extent of his limited resources the Russian cause in
Constantinople. To counterbalance these sympathies of
Nicholas I., German agents sought to capture the interest
of the Crown Prince Danilo, who, because he had spent
some time in Germany on various occasions, was supposed
to nurse a great admiration for German ways in general
and the German army in particular. Whenever Prince
Danilo visited Berlin the Emperor WiUiam always invited
him to dinner or to lunch, and treated him with particular
friendliness. He even went so far as to find him a wife,
and it was through his direct influence and co-operation
that the marriage of the heir to the Montenegrin throne
with the Duchess Jutta of Mecklenburg-Strelitz was
arranged. Duchess Jutta was clever, and she made her-
self Hked in her new country, and probably would have
become popular had she only given her husband an heir,
but her marriage remained childless.

With the arrival of Duchess Jutta at Cetinje intrigue
entered the life of the Court and proved a source of much
anxiety to those who, from behind the scenes, watched
the development of the plots. In order more fully to
understand these intrigues it will be helpful to look into
the reign of Nicholas I. of Montenegro and to note
the success of his long kingship.

A Sketch of Nicholas I. 203

The King is certainly an exceedingly clever sovereign.
He transformed a strip of land into a kingdom which,
small as it is, commands general respect, partly through
its geographical position, and partly through the person-
ality of its ruler. At the time he was elected Prince a
good many people looked upon the Montenegrins as an
almost savage tribe. Since that day Montenegro has
won for itself name and fame through the heroic conduct
of its children during the continual wars with Turkey
in which it took such a prominent part. After the
campaign of 1877 Montenegro became the object of
flattery on the part of Turkey, who saw in her an obstacle
to Servian ambitions, as well as a country whose progress
might checkmate the ambitions of Bulgaria, which was
then beginning its career as an independent State.
Prince Nicholas was a man in the prime of life, with a
splendid physique and a prepossessing appearance. He
had won for himself the reputation of being a faithful
friend and a loyal adversary, and had contrived to appeal
to the feelings and to the sympathies of the Tsar Alex-
ander III., who once had gone so far as to declare publicly
that he considered him as the only true and sincere friend
that Russia possessed. The words made a great stir at
the time, but they gave to Prince Nicholas a very strong
position in the Balkans, where one grew very quickly to
consider him as the depository of the political secrets of
Russia and of her plans concerning the future of the Slav
cause in Europe. He was clever enough to make the
most, and perhaps even more than was necessary, of the

204 The Near East from Within

legend that, in consequence, gradually arose around his
name; and as a good father, careful of the future of his
numerous family, he applied himself to the task of finding
suitable husbands for his six daughters, all of whom were
educated in Petersburg at the Convent of Smolna, an
establishment under the immediate protection of the
Empress. The young ladies remained at the convent for
a year or two after their education had been completed,
and went out a good deal into society, where they soon
made themselves extremely popular. The eldest two
Montenegrin princesses captivated two Russian princes,
the Grand Duke Peter Nicolaievitch and Duke George
of Leuchtenberg, and when the weddings took place the
Tsar gave the brides their trousseaux — and also a dowry,
if all that one hears is true. Prince (his domain was not
then a kingdom) Nicholas went to Russia for the
weddings, and was made a great fuss of.

Since the marriage of his daughters he has visited the
Russian capital many times, and has used the occasions
to further the interests of his little kingdom, and he
finally had the cleverness to win from the Tsar the guaran-
tee of a regular subsidy, which is being paid to him to
the present day. Montenegro was a young country, and
a poor one into the bargain ; therefore no one objected
to the generosity exercised by the Tsar in regard to a
man who had given him such proofs of his devotion.
There were some who had the audacity to ask in what
these proofs consisted, but any who ventured to make
such unpleasant remarks were very soon cowed, and the

Royal Matchmaking 205

devotion of Montenegro and its ruler to the Russian cause
became one of those estabHshed legends that it would
have been dangerous to deny or even not to acknowledge.
It was proof of the supreme ability of Prince Nicholas that
he could so persuade the world, and in this, as in every-
thing else, he showed himself a consummate diplomat.
Each time he went to Russia he returned laden with
promises, whilst he himself kept silent as the Sphinx in
the Egyptian desert.

His fifth daughter married Francis Joseph, Prince of
Battenberg, and in that way he assured himself of the
sympathies of Queen Victoria, whose youngest daughter,
the Princess Beatrice, was wedded to another Battenberg
brother ; and at last he achieved his greatest triumph in
the matrimonial hne when the dark-eyed Princess Helene
was united to the Prince of Naples, the only son of
King Humbert of Italy and of his lovely consort Queen
Margherita, " the Pearl of Savoy " as she was called in
her own country.

It was about the time of Helene 's marriage that the
Emperor William II. sought the friendship of Prince
Nicholas. A little known but perfectly true circumstance
is that the German Emperor suggested this alliance to
the King of Italy. Owing to the peculiar relationship
always existing between the Italian Royal Family and
the Vatican, it was impossible to think of a Catholic wife
for the heir to the throne. Bearing in mind how con-
siderably such a fact narrowed the circle of eligible
princesses, William II. suggested to Humbert that

2o6 The Near East from Within

among the splendidly beautiful daughters of Nicholas of
Montenegro a suitable consort might be found.

Owing to this excellent advice the Prince of Naples
journeyed to Cetinje, with the happy result that the
betrothal to Helene was soon announced. In this act
the German Emperor knew very well what he was about
and that nothing but advantage to everybody could
come out of his hint. He had, moreover, taken care to
keep himself well informed as to the personal charms and
qualities of the young princesses, and when after his
marriage Prince Victor Emmanuel was found to be
ardently in love with his wife, William II. congratulated
himself on the foresight that had persuaded him to have
a hand in the happiness of one of his friends and at the
same time assured him of the gratitude of Nicholas of
Montenegro, whom he took care to inform that the match
had been partly his work.

The Berlin Court and the Quirinal had long been upon
excellent terms with each other, and in consequence
William II. felt sure of being able to exercise through
its medium some influence on the Prince of Montenegro
in order to incline him to favour the plans of Germany.

There came a moment when the Emperor William II.
ventured to appeal to the Quirinal and to ask the young
King (not long after his accession) whether, if such came
about, he would undertake the office of mediator in
settling the terms of a defensive and offensive alliance
between Germany and Montenegro. Victor Emmanuel
declined under the pretext that his father-in-law was a

The Prince and His People 207

man of such authoritative character that he would never
dare suggest to him anything in general, and especially
anything in which politics were concerned. This suave
reply did not discourage William II., who then under-
took to do his work alone, and sent me to Cetinje with
secret instructions to sound the Prince (as he still was
at that time) and to find out what were his views upon
the subject.

I duly reached the Montenegrin capital, and almost
immediately after my arrival was received by Prince
Nicholas in the simple manner in which he welcomed all
his visitors. The palace, as it was pompously called,
reminded one rather of the country house of a simple
gentleman of moderate means in Europe; the only
characteristic thing about the place was the number of
men armed to the teeth that crowded around it, not for
the protection of the royal household, but all wishing
to ask something of their ruler, to crave some advice,
or to make some complaint. He listened to each one
more as a father would than a sovereign. One could not
help being struck with this f amiharity ; it united the
people and their ruler, and it was so entirely genuine, so
different from anything one could see or meet with any-
where else, that it has remained a bright memory. The
Prince noticed my surprise, but simply smiled and kindly
remarked, "We are not in Europe," adding, "We hve
more simply here than you do in Berlin." After coffee
and a pipe, Nicholas began questioning me as to the
reasons which had brought me over to Cetinje, and

2o8 The Near East from Within

inquired whether I had been entrusted with a mission of
some kind. This I evaded, explaining as the desire to
see a new country my excursion to the Black Mountain.
He nodded and at once started talking about the Emperor
William. " He has been very kind to me whenever I
have seen him," he said, "and I only wish I could be
of some use to him later on. I am sure he is a wise
monarch and one who always thinks of the needs of his
subjects. And then think what a responsible position he
occupies. The peace of the world depends almost entirely
upon him."

' ' The Emperor has constantly been working for the
cause of peace," I replied, " and one of the reasons why
he admires Your Highness so much is that he knows you
have done the same thing in the Balkan Peninsula."

"Ah! but what can I do?" answered the Prince.
" I am so helpless in the face of all the rivalries that
abound among our Slav brethren and of the cruelty and
oppression exercised by the Turks in regard to them. I
do what I can, but how often have not events proved too
strong for me? We are being threatened from all sides,
and Austria never spares an occasion to show to us that
she means to crush our independence. Then, on the
obverse, Austria is hated by all Slavs, who seize every
occasion they can find to attack her. Look at all she does
in Bosnia. She is sure to annex it and Herzegovina. And
do you think that the Slav populations of the Peninsula
\vill not rise in revolt against such a fact? What can I
do, then, but follow them and help them to the defence

Angling for Power 209

of their rights ? Ah ! if I were the King of Servia or
Ferdinand of Bulgaria, I might attempt to speak the
language of reason, because then I would have some kind
of authority vested in my hands. As it is, I am but a
poor little prince of no consequence, and must needs
follow the lead of others, who often tell me to hold my
tongue because amidst so many kings I have no place."

I hastened to reply.

" If rumour speaks the truth. Your Highness has
already more than once been entreated to change your
title for that of a sovereign, but have always refused."

'' Ah, yes, you have been told so; but, believe me, it
is all a mistake. My subjects may have wished me to be
called by the title of king, but of what consequence can
be their wishes? It is Europe that has the word to say
in such a matter, and so far Europe has not taken kindly
to the idea — at least, has not encouraged it, and it is
entirely out of the question for me to move in the matter
so long as she remains silent."

" Ah, but my Emperor would be quite willing to take
the initiative in the affair," I ventured to say ; " he would
require, though, to know what were the views of Your
Highness in matters of general politics. The Emperor
is upon terms of close friendship with the Sultan ; he
could hardly encourage any demonstrations of hostility in
regard to the latter, and Montenegro has never been the
friend of Turkey."

' * Has never been ? You are right to talk in the sense

of the past," interrupted Prince Nicholas. ''All those
o

210 The Near East from Within

heroic times have gone never to return, I hope. Why
should we not Hve at peace with Islam after all? We
only want the Moslems to leave us alone, and not to
oppress and persecute our brethren in race and faith. If
your Emperor, through his personal relations with the
Sultan, could obtain us that boon, then indeed Monte-
negro would feel itself under an obligation to follow him
in his pohcy far more than if he had troubled to help
me personally to get a title, which, though it would add
considerably to my authority, could not contribute in
any way whatsoever to my happiness."

" I am certain that the influence of my Sovereign will
always be exercised in the cause of humanity," was my
answer, " and the very fact that he has asked me not to
neglect an opportunity, should it arise during my journey
to this beautiful country, to obtain some idea of the inten-
tions of Your Highness proves it once more. He is
convinced that Montenegro is the dominant factor of the
whole situation in the Balkans, and I am sure it would
be of sincere interest to understand whether you would
take part in any dispute, should complications ever arise,
or would preserve a strict neutrahty. Your Highness will
probably agree with me that a decision to remain neutral
in Montenegro would certainly mean that the other
Balkan States would remain neutral too."

"It is very hard for me to say what I should do,"
rephed Nicholas with quiet weight in his tone; " but if
I could talk on a footing of equality with Servia and
Bulgaria, and Montenegro were no longer the poor little

Nicholas I. of Montencijro

A Sphinx-like Monarch 211

principality it is to-day, then most certainly I should do
my utmost to persuade all those within reach of my
words and influence that they ought to do all that is in
their power in order to prevent any conflagration, should
such an unhoped for calamity arise, from spreading
beyond its original limits."

Try as I would, I could not induce the Prince to
give me his views in a clearer or more categorical form.
He remained impenetrable, and I left him with the con-
viction that the only manner by which one could hope
to enhst his sympathies would be to help him in his
ambition to become a king.

It will be remembered by the student of history that
when Prince Nicholas was made a king later on, it was
the Cabinet of Berlin which agitated most zealously for
the recognition of Nicholas as Sovereign of Montenegro
and for the erection of that principahty into a kingdom.

When the thing had become a fact the new Monarch
paid a visit to WiUiam II. in Berlin for the ostensible
purpose of expressing his thanks. The Emperor received
him even more warmly than he had done on the occasion
of his previous visits, and tried to persuade him to give
an opinion as to his intentions in the delicate matter of
European influence in the Balkans. But the Emperor
was soon to realise that few men have grasped so
thoroughly as Nicholas of Montenegro the problem of
never allowing oneself to be inveigled into expressing
an opinion on a dangerous subject.

Some time later, when his troops had taken Scutari

212 The Near East from Within

in Albania by storm, Nicholas was approached by a
German agent. He refused to consider any proposals
unless he was definitely left in possession of Scutari. It
was impossible, for Germany was inextricably involved to
support Turkey, and so Nicholas — the ruler of the
smallest kingdom in Europe — threw down the gauntlet
and followed the example of Russia and England by
declaring war on Germany.

CHAPTER XX

TSAR FERDINAND OF BULGARIA

Ayf Y journey to Sofia to see the Bulgarian King — or
•^^-■- Tsar as he preferred to be called — was one of those
secret missions with which I was entrusted by Wilhelm-
strasse whenever they desired to ascertain things it would
not have been easy to discover through official channels.
I was known to be fond of travelling, and by assuming
the role of an enfant terrible to whom years had not
brought discretion was forgiven much, and on the whole
enabled to render certain services to the Emperor and
the Fatherland which under other conditions would
hardly have been possible.

When I started upon my so-called pleasure trip to
Bulgaria the Treaty of Bucharest had just been signed,
and the whole of the Balkans still bore the impress of
the devastating struggle. Bulgaria had been humbled to
the dust, and Servia, though triumphant in appearance,
had bought her victory at the cost of enormous sacrifices.
Greece had not fared much better, and that degree of
superiority was only due to the rare intelligence of her
Premier, M. Venizelos.

The Emperor William II. had been rather sorry to

213

214 The Near East from Within

see the defeat of King Ferdinand. He had an admiration
for success, and in Ferdinand's case the defeat was the
only set-back in a career of marked progress. King
Ferdinand had been a younger son of a family which by,
dint of patience and of ability had succeeded in pushing
itself forward and in taking possession of several thrones
in Europe. The Coburgs were ever an ambitious race,
and the present King of Bulgaria is no exception to the
rule.

When Prince Ferdinand was invited to take up the
task which Prince Alexander of Battenberg had found
himself unable to tackle, he had consulted his mother,
the famous Princess Clementine of Orleans. The Princess
was one of those women born to great things, built after
the model of Maria Theresa or of the great Catherine,
but who had found herself compelled all her life to occupy
a subordinate position in which her rare faculties had been
deprived of exercise. Her marriage had not been a very
happy one, and her sons had also not altogether satisfied
her maternal ambitions. She saw suddenly in her old
age the possibility to realise the secret dreams and long-
ings of her youth and, under the name of a beloved child,
at last to have something to say in the destinies of Europe.
Princess Clementine nursed great ambitions. The friend
of the Jesuits and the supporter of the Catholic cause
wherever she went, she had brought up Prince Ferdinand
with special care, and had kept him so entirely under
her own wing that he had acquired a love for fine dresses
and jewels and rather feminine tastes; but at the same

Ferdinand Elected to Bulgaria 215

time he had strongly developed literary and artistic tastes
and had become most certainly, from the intellectual
point of view, a cultivated and remarkable man.

When the Princess advised her son to accept his
election as Prince of Bulgaria she did not intend him to
fail, but brought to his help all the resources of which
she was possessed, and all her vast wealtli. She accom-
panied Prince Ferdinand to Sofia, and established herself
there, using all her rare faculties of mind and her great
intelligence to win popularity for her son. She opened
her doors to representatives of all the different parties,
smiled at M. Stambouloff, shook hands with M. Rado-
slavoff, and lured to her side all the leading men in
Bulgaria, whom she treated with the utmost affability,
without appearing to notice their lack of manners or
the incongruities of their conduct at table. She even
invited the members of the national clergy to her hospit-
able home, and began discussing gravel}^ with them the
possibility of union with Rome, which was the one thing
for which her soul craved and which she would have liked
to achieve.

She spent her money freely, showing herself more
than generous whenever the occasion to open her purse
presented itself. She interested herself in the question
of education, favoured the opening of new schools, and
most of those already existing throughout Bulgaria
obtained large subsidies from her. Whilst known to
possess no ambition save that of furthering the fortunes
of her son, she nevertheless contrived to make personal

2i6 The Near East from Within

friends for herself among his adversaries, and men of all
parties were glad to appeal to her common sense and to
use her as a go-between in their negotiations with the
Prince. At the same time she urged her son to begin
building for himself that wonderful palace of Euxinograd,
which has become one of the most beautiful things of
its kind in Europe. The far-seeing Princess had some-
thing else in view when she advised Prince Ferdinand
to erect it. She wanted him to have a place of refuge
where, if the necessity arose, he could defy any revolution
that might break out in Sofia and where he would be
safe from any attempt to kill or kidnap him, as had
happened to poor Prince Alexander of Battenberg.
Euxinograd is built on the seashore, and its towers
command an extraordinary view. A yacht always at
anchor in the roads would provide an easy escape from
danger. Princess Clementine never left things to chance.
This extreme caution, coupled with great determination
and an almost ferocious strength of will, has been inherited
by her son, who has given proofs of it during the whole
time he has occupied the throne of Bulgaria.

When Prince Ferdinand arrived in Sofia he found the
position there extremely difficult. Not one among the
great Powers wished to recognise him. Russia simply
ignored his pretensions, and the Tsar Alexander III.
declared that the less he heard about him the more pleased
he would be. This was a serious check in the political
career of the new ruler of Bulgaria, and at first no one
believed he could hold his own. Europe was over-

Internal Opposition 217

generous in snubbing Ferdinand, but he settled in Sofia
without minding in the very least the fact that no one
consented to acknowledge his position there as either
stable or even legitimate, and he started to govern the
country that had placed him at its head with the utmost
coolness and determination. He was always cheerful,
always amiable, always pleasant. He held long interviews
with his cook every morning that proved most satisfactory
for those whom he invited to sit at his hospitable board,
and he assumed an indifference to the judgments of his
adversaries. After a few months the world ceased laugh-
ing at him, and after a few years it was he who laughed
at it.

Nevertheless, those first days of sovereignty were
indeed a hard trial for the Prince. For one thing,
Ferdinand discovered very soon after he had set his foot
on Bulgarian soil that a strong party was intriguing
against him. He had found that the one powerful man
in Sofia was M. StambouloflP, who had been nicknamed
" The King-maker," and whose word was law. M.
Stambouloff and Prince Ferdinand did not agree well
together, being both men of strong opinions and of most
unyielding character, with one essential difference, how-
ever. The Bulgarian statesman, with all his faults and
a certain cruelty in his nature which it is impossible to
deny, was incapable of deceit. Prince Ferdinand, on the
contrary, was trained to the belief that the end justified
whatever means were employed to attain it. It was not
long before these two men showed an open antagonism

2i8 The Near East from Within

to each other. Stambouloff declared with emphasis that
he could not enter into Ferdinand's plans, and did not
take the trouble to conceal his reasons.

In the end M. Stambouloff was murdered one evening
as he was returning home. He was very popular ; many
people mourned him sincerely, but at the same time it
was felt all over the country that his hostility in regard
to the Prince might have brought about serious difficulties
in the future.

With Ferdinand things prospered, the people recog-
nised in him a leader after their own heart, and the
country was certainly making favourable progress. In
the meantime Ferdinand had married the Princess Marie
Louise of Bourbon-Parme, the eldest of the nineteen
children of the exiled Due de Parme. She was a sweet
woman with lovely hazel eyes and eminently attractive.
Hers was not a happy married life, and she must have
regretted more than once the park of the Villa Pianore,
near Lucques, where she had spent her childhood.
Ferdinand treated her with a roughness that was the
more wonderful that he was generally studiously polite
to all those with whom he came into contact ; but the
straightforward character of the Princess jarred on his
nerves. It was not remarkable, therefore, that Ferdin-
and and his gentle wife became estranged, and that the
Princess Clementine continued as the moving spirit at
the little Court of Sofia, her word law, and her influence
and authority beyond dispute.

For many years Clementine really ruled under her

/Violo . Voi « Tm

Ferdinand I. of liulfjaria

Princess Clementine 219

son's name, and during that period Bulgaria developed
in an astonishing manner. The Princess never let an
occasion pass for furthering Bulgarian interests, whilst
saying the whole time that it was Prince Ferdinand alone
whose initiative brought about the various reforms that
were being prosecuted with commendable activity.
Ferdinand's mother was liked and appreciated at every
Court in Europe, and furthered the interests of her son
with an energy that was quite wonderful in such an old
woman. Mother and son loved each other with a warm,
strong affection, and the Prince had the good sense to
submit to her judgment. Being under the influence of
the Jesuits, it was the lasting hope of Princess Clementine
to restore the Bulgarian Church to the arms of Rome.
It would be a long story, with far more ramifications than
can be set out in logical sequence, to explain the policy
by which the Princess sought to carry out her ambition.
Suffice it to say that it was this great aim on her part
that has always actuated Ferdinand's keen hope that one
day he will be acknowledged as head of the Christian
Church in the Near East, and be proclaimed as such
from the altar steps of the Cathedral of St. Sophia in
Constantinople.

When Princess Clementine died she liad the satis-
faction of knowing that no mother could have done more
for a son. The old internal antagonisms had been swept
away, the coldness of Europe had been thawed, and,
from being a prince on sufferance, Ferdinand was in a
fair way to becoming a king, his principaUty converted

220 The Near East from Within

into a kingdom, and his influence a deciding factor in
Balkan politics.

Very friendlj^ relations existed between the Princess
Clementine and the German Emperor, who after having
failed for some time to propitiate her, had suddenly
succeeded in doing so. The fact is, that the shrewd old
lady understood very well that it would be a master stroke
on her part to secure the good will of William II. for
her son without seeming eager to obtain it. William II.,
always watchful of everything that was going on in the
East, and desirous of assuring himself of allies capable of
counteracting the action of Russia in the Balkans, was
but too glad to see the Princess Clementine appeal to
him when certain difficulties arose. He extended to her
as well as to Prince Ferdinand all the help it was in his
power to give. He persuaded the Austrian Government
to forget that the Prince of Bulgaria had accepted the
throne of that country in defiance of its opposition, and
he brought about an interview with the latter and the
Emperor Francis Joseph, which was the first step toward
an official recognition of his election as ruler of unruly
Bulgaria.

This was an important result, but so long as the Tsar
Alexander III. was alive Prince Ferdinand could not feel
himself secure at Sofia. The Tsar could not digest " that
adventurer," as he called him, who in defiance of Russia
and of Russia's desires had ventured to instal himself at
Sofia. William II. did try once to say a word to the
Tsar to the effect that Prince Ferdinand was after all not

Flirting with Russia 221

so bad, but no reply was vouchsafed to this remark.
Matters therefore remained in abeyance until the world
was startled by the news that the Tsar was dying. Very
soon Nicholas II. reigned in his place.

It was then that the German Emperor, always intent
upon great schemes, made a suggestion for winning the
favour of Russia, which met with full sympathy from
Princess Clementine of Coburg, to whom he mentioned
it, and received the tacit sanction of the Jesuits, whose
influence over her was so great. Unknown to William II.,
the same idea had already entered the mind of another.
The plan was that Prince Ferdinand of Coburg should
have his children publicly baptised into the Greek Ortho-
dox faith. What followed is the subject of another
chapter.

CHAPTER XXI

THE fflSTORY OF A CONVERSION

COMING as it did from people who had always
been considered strong supporters of the Roman
Church, the scheme for the re-baptism of the Bulgarian
Crown Prince Boris, to which reference was made in
the last chapter, at first sight appeared monstrous. In
reality it was not so extraordinary as it seemed. The
Greek Orthodox Church was not the same as the National
Bulgarian Church, though many people believed them to
be identical. The Greek Church in the East is under
the sway of the Patriarch of Constantinople or of the
Holy Synod in Petersburg, whilst the Bulgarian Church
is independent, with its own hierarchy. The leaders of
the Bulgarian Church were in a state of continual revolt
against the persistent attempts to bring it under the
dominion of the Constantinople Community and its
Patriarch.

The Princess Clementine had long been working at the
Vatican to secure the recognition of the Bulgarian Church
by the Pope, and of thus bringing it back into the bosom
of the Church of Rome. She was aided in that enterprise
by the Jesuits, who had established colleges and schools

A Question of Faith 223

in Bulgaria, and who were agitating with considerable
success to cause the bulk of the people to favour the re-
union of the National Church with the Latin community.
Prince Ferdinand fully supported the movement. There
was nothing in the tenets of the National Bulgarian
Church that could be considered as distinctly antagonistic
to Cathohcism. Therefore, argued Princess Clementine,
it was easy to bring about a fusion of these two forces
which, working in unison, might in time become a most
important factor in European politics. A reconciliation
with Rome could not fail to make Prince Ferdinand
popular.

Even before the death of Alexander III. the question
of the conversion of Prince Ferdinand's eldest son had
been raised. An intimate friend of the Prince had
touched upon it during a conversation with Prince
Lobanoif, who had just been appointed at the head of
the Russian Foreign Office. This conversation had taken
place in Paris, where Lobanoff was enjoying a short
holiday. The interview took place at the Cafe Anglais,
on the boulevards, where the confidant of the ambitious
schemes of Prince Ferdinand had invited the Russian
statesman to dine. Prince Lobanoff had said nothing to
these overtures, not caring to compromise himself at
random, but on his return to Petersburg he fostered the
idea, believing that it would prove a good pretext for
bringing about a reconciliation between Bulgaria and
Russia. Alexander III. had died in the meantime, and
Nicholas II. did not entertain the same antagonism to

224 The Near East from Within

Prince Ferdinand. When, therefore, the latter once
more approached the Russian Government, his request
that the Tsar might sanction the re-baptism of his little
boy according to the rites of the Greek Church met with
acceptance. The Tsar even promised to send a repre-
sentative to Sofia to attend the ceremony, and Prince
Ferdinand proceeded to make public his decision as soon
as he had ascertained for sure that Russia was to show
publicly her acquiescence.

To the surprise of Prince Ferdinand a good many
persons in Bulgaria disapproved of the measure, among
them his own wife, the Princess Marie Louise. Her
honest soul and simple mind refused to accept such a
political apostasy, and her strictly Roman Cathohc con-
victions rose up in horror and disgust at the thought
of her child being thrust into another faith than her
own. At first she declared that she would never consent
to the thing, and when told that her sanction or other-
wise was of no consequence, expressed her resolution to
leave Sofia rather than approve by her presence an act
to which she entirely dissented. Princess Marie charac-
terised the act as a shameful political concession not to
the necessities of the moment, but to further the ambition
of her husband.

At first she hoped that the Pope would come to her
help, and wrote imploring his assistance. But Leo XIII.
was far too shrewd a statesman to do aught else but pity
and comfort her. As a matter of fact, Leo XIII. knew
somewhat of the details of the contemplated conversion,

Cardinal Ledochowski 225

for Princess Clementine had spent some weeks in Rome
just before Princess Marie Louise had sent her pathetic
appeal. Princess Clementine had conferred with several
of the prelates, and among others the Prefect of the Con-
gregation of the Propaganda, Cardinal Ledochowski, a
Pole, and a man whose secret desire, ever since he had
received the red hat, had been to bring about a reunion of
the Latin and the Greek Churches. He hated Russia, and
knew that the establishment of a modus vivendi would pro-
cure for the Jesuits a recognition throughout the Balkan
Peninsula of the Church discipline of Rome, and certainly,
therefore, deal a considerable blow to Russian influence.
At all events it was a game worth trying, and the Jesuits
entered into it with zeal. The Archbishop of Sofia was
told that if he would only consent to help Prince
Ferdinand, and work together with him to bring about
a reconciliation between his clergy and the Church of
Rome, the See of Sofia would be raised to the rank of
a Patriarchate, and he should be put at its head, thus
being relieved from rendering obedience to the Patriarch
of Constantinople.

In exchange for this advancement he was to allow
the Jesuits to instal themselves all over Bulgaria, to open
schools, and to make converts. A message from Pope
Leo himself was handed to him, which said that the bless-
ing of God would follow him if he would only work for
the spiritual welfare of Bulgaria and help the Church of
that country to keep its position national and inde-
pendent ; and, finally, large sums of monej'^ w^ere placed

226 The Near East from Within

at his disposal, a proceeding which helped a good deal
to a decision.

In this adventure — for one can hardly call it anything
else — everybody was the dupe of somebody else. The
Russian Foreign Office believed that by entering into
the views of Prince Ferdinand it would definitely sever
his connection with Austria ; the Vatican hoped to bring
about through his medium the union of the Latin and
Greek Churches, which had been the subject of its secret
desire for centuries ; Austria hoped that the influence of
the Jesuits would make her popular in the Balkans, where
she knew very well that she was not liked ; the Princess
Clementine hoped that the position of her beloved son
would become safer and stronger after the heavy sacrifice
he had accepted in order to consoUdate his dynasty;
Prince Ferdinand hoped that by this step he was getting
nearer to the fulfilment of his cherished schemes to be
recognised as King of Bulgaria; the Emperor William
alone hoped nothing, because he knew that his suggestions
had borne fruit and that whatever happened it could only
be to his benefit.

A curious incident in this most curious historical
episode was related to me some time later. It seems that
after the departure of the envoy who had represented
the Tsar at the christening of Prince Boris, the latter 's
father wrote to William II. an account of the ceremony,
adding the remark that the only thing for which he felt
sorry was that he had not been able to have a photograph
taken of it, which he would have hked to send to Berhn,

A Palpable Snub 227

but that the Archbishop of Sofia had objected to the idea.
He concluded with the words : " I feel sure that Your
Majesty would have appreciated it with the sense of
humour which you possess."

A few months later Prince Ferdinand went to Russia
to present his compliments to the Tsar on the occasion
of the latter 's coronation. In Moscow he was more or
less shunned by everybody ; even the Imperial Family
treated him with a certain reserve. To a chosen few
he unburdened his soul, and, when speaking to them
about the conversion of his son, added that he him-
self was studying the Orthodox religion, as he might
possibly follow his son's example. The world, he added,
had attributed unworthy motives to him that were
absolutely inconsistent with facts. " I hope," he con-
tinued, " that my children will reign in Bulgaria after
I am dead and gone ; and I have done what I thought it
my duty to do in order to smooth the way for them in
the future. A sovereign who professes another religion
to that of his people finds himself always, at one time or
other, in conflict with them. I wished my son to be
spared this dilemma, and so decided that he had better
be brought up in the faith which is that of his country."
One thing, however, Ferdinand achieved during the
weeks he spent in Moscow. He had several interviews
with the German Ambassador, Prince Radolin, and
through him conveyed to William II. his personal
impressions of what he had seen and observed.

Before taking leave of the Emperor and Empress he

228 The Near East from Within

had expressed the desire to introduce to them his wife,
the Princess Marie Louise, who had returned to Sofia
from the shores of the Riviera, where she had spent some
months after her abrupt departure from Bulgaria. The
Empress of Russia rephed that she would feel delighted
to make the acquaintance of the Princess, upon which
the programme of a visit was fixed there and then by
Prince Ferdinand himself.

About eighteen months later he visited Russia once
more, this time accompanied by his consort. They were
received at Peterhof with great pomp. Little Prince
Boris was with his parents, attended by his tutor, a
Bulgarian monk, who never left him and whose presence
at the side of the boy excited a good deal of curiosity
and even a certain amount of interest in Petersburg.
The Princess also won all hearts, and altogether the visit
was a greater success than one could have expected.

Prince Ferdinand, encouraged by this reception,
began to plan visits to other European Courts, and
probably would have carried out his intention had not
Fate interfered. The Princess Marie Louise died most
unexpectedly in childbirth, and her husband had perforce
to resign himself to months of quiet life.

Ferdinand's mother hastened to his side, arriving from
Vienna in the middle of winter, and installed herself at
the palace of Sofia. She took up the education of the
motherless children of her son, and watched over them
with a devotion that left nothing to be desired. Under
her guidance the two boys developed quite wonderfully.

German Influence in Bulgaria 229

both physically and intellectually. She won their con-
fidence, and by dint of much tenderness ruled them
without the slightest sign of friction.

Prince Ferdinand allowed her considerably more
authority in his household than he had ever extended to
his wife. Politically, too, he never took a step without
her advice and concurrence ; and when at last the Princess
Clementine died, with her vanished the real Sovereign
of Bulgaria.

So long as Princess Clementine lived the ambitions
of Prince Ferdinand were kept under a cloak, which he
hastened to discard the moment that she was no longer
at his elbow. He was determined to have a royal diadem
on his brow, and as circumstances did not altogether
favour such a consummation, he made up his mind to
come to their rescue. Ferdinand had worked very hard
at the organisation of the Bulgarian army, and had even
gone to the length of providing it with German military
instructors, much to the dismay of the General Staff in
Petersburg. The result was that the ruler of Bulgaria
believed the moment had come when he might force
down the throat of Europe a proclamation converting
his principality into a kingdom, and in order to be able
to achieve this desirable result he asked his great friend
William II. to back him up with the weight of his
influence. The German Emperor was delighted, but he
was far too shrewd to engage himself in an adventure
that did not concern him personally. He therefore
advised Prince Ferdinand to turn toward Austria.

CHAPTER XXII

THE PERSUADING OF TURKEY

WHEN, after the outbreak of the present war, it
began to be whispered that Turkey might be
persuaded to take part, a good many people laughed
outright. What gain, they asked, could she achieve by
mixing herself up in a conflict which it was undeniably
to her advantage to watch from the point of view
of a neutral Power? She had just gone through a
war which, but for an unforeseen incident, might have
ended disastrously for her. She had not yet succeeded in
liquidating the costs of this war, and her credit stood
about as low as it possibly could. Albania had been
definitely wrested from her, and though she still held
hopes of being able to win back this province, no reason-
able being thought that these hopes could ever be
realised.

Her immediate interest, at least so it seemed, would
best be served by remaining quiet and making use of the
opportunity to reorganise her armies, her finances, and
her general administration during a time when neither
Russia, nor France, nor England, nor any other Power

in the world could possibly interfere with her.

230

The Renascence of Turkey 231

When, therefore, Rumour said thut Turkey had
suddenly developed warlike instincts and was goin<r
to seek a quarrel with her traditional enemy Russia,
friends and enemies ahke agreed that madness was the
only possible explanation for such conduct, unless she
were actuated by reasons about which the world knew
nothing.

I am going to try and explain these underlying
currents to my readers, warning them at the same time
that it is quite possible I shall not be quite accurate in
my tale, as some of the darker shadows of the intrigue
are not within my personal knowledge. But what I do
know is sufficient to prove clearly what kind of influences
were set in motion to persuade Turkey that a bold step
in favour of the dual alliance — for Italy may be counted
out — would bring innumerable benefits to the land of
the Moslem and restore her rank as a great Power.

When the second Balkan War had ended in triumph
for Turkey and she recovered part of her lost territories,
it would still have been possible to compel her to give up
Adrianople had Europe collectively decided that it ought
to remain in the possession of Servia or of Bulgaria.
Unfortunately, Europe was not at all united on the point.
The misfortune was that neither Servia nor Bulgaria
inspired sympathy. Bulgaria, by her perversity and
her ruthlessness in provoking a conflict with her Slav
brethren, was considered as a false and untrustworthy
nation ; moreover, she had incurred the complete indiffer-
ence of Russia. On the other hand, Servia stood on the

232 The Near East from Within

brink of a serious antagonism in regard to Austria, and
the latter Power would never have consented to her
retaining such an important stronghold as Adrianople.

Under these conditions the position of the various
Cabinets whose task it was to bring about the conclusion
of a peace urgently needed not only by the belligerents
but also by the whole of Europe, for whom this ever-
lasting Balkan question was a source of constant danger,
became most difficult. When, therefore, Germany
tentatively suggested through the medium of her ambas-
sador in London, Prince Lichnowsky, that the best thing
to do would be tacitly to accept accomplished facts and
leave Adrianople in the hands of the Turk, there was a
feeling of general relief all round. Turkey w^as told that,
provided she behaved hke a good child, she would be
allowed to retain possession of the town which she had
won back from a demoralised foe.

Turkey promised everything — and, of course, did
nothing. Whether Turkey was honest of intention is
another question. Certainly her statesmen were not.
Enver Pasha and the other leading spirits of the Com-
mittee of Union and Progress were clever, unscrupulous,
quick at seizing hold of the slightest mistake on the part
of their antagonists, anything but honest in the sense we
understand the term in Europe.

When things began to look black in Mid-Europe,
Berlin was not slow in advising Enver Pasha of what had
been done for his country. Enver Pasha knew very well
that this service was far from having been a disinterested

The Power of Gold 233

one, but he knew, too, that it was to his interest to make
common cause with Germany, who alone was seeking the
friendship of Turkey.

It was at this period of the crisis that large sums of
money were remitted to Constantinople, not only to the
credit of the Ottoman Government, but also to the
account of Enver Pasha, the Sheikh-ul-Islam, and several
influential members of the Committee of Union and
Progress. It became known also that a German mission,
headed by an officer of high military rank (General Liman
von Sanders), was about to start for Turkey, to be placed
at the service of the Sultan for the purpose of carrying
on the thorough reorganisation of the Turkish army on
German lines.

Russia objected to this mission ; she felt that it was
a blow directed against her, and that it was bound sooner
or later to bring about a rupture of her relations with
Turkey, which up to then had been quite tolerable. The
Russian Ambassador in Constantinople, M. de Giers,
though not exactly a Talleyrand, was an excellent and
conscientious diplomat of much experience, who knew the
East very well and the Turks even better. He hastened
to write to his Government that this interference of
Germany in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire
was certain to bring about most unpleasant and perhaps
even unexpected results. M. Sazonov then asked the
German Ambassador in Petersburg (Count de Poiu'tales)
for an explanation. He was told that there was no inten-
tion on the part of the Berlin Cabinet to interfere in

234 The Near East from Within

any way whatsoever in the administration of the Turkish
Empire, and that the mission of General von Sanders was
only a continuation of the one which had previously been
controlled by Field-Marshal von der Goltz. He was
further assured that the mission was of a purely military
character, and that the officers about to start for Con-
stantinople had been ordered to resign their commissions
in the German army before offering their services to the
Sultan. He spoke in the most conciliatory terms, and
even offered to restrict the activity of General von Sanders
to Asia Minor, where he would command raw recruits,
and thus not be in a position to influence things at Con-
stantinople and in European Turkey, where the greater
part of the Ottoman forces were quartered.

The Russian Foreign Office accepted the explanations
of Count de Pourtales, and orders were given to the
newspapers not to criticise the subject of the mission of
General von Sanders any further. The Tsar personally
was absolutely convinced of the pacific dispositions of his
Imperial cousin at Berlin. The British Government, too,
for some reason or other, thought it better to pass in
silence the departure of so many German officers for
Constantinople.

A month or two afterwards, in June, the Emperor
William II. invited a British squadron to visit him at
Kiel, and showed himself more than usually polite toward
its commanding officer, Admiral Sir George Warrender.
Indeed, the Emperor William expressed the desire to be
allowed, in his character of British admiral, to review the

British Squadron at Kiel 235

squadron. At the dinner which he gave in honour of
the occasion the Emperor spoke in a most flattering
manner of the pleasure he had experienced in being able
to welcome at his table officers belonging to the glorious
British Fleet. Curiously enough, at the same moment
another squadron of the British Fleet was being
entertained at Petersburg.

It was during the visit of the British squadron to Kiel
that the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand
took place at Sarajevo. A few days later, just before
he started for Norway, William II. caused a ciphered
message to be forwarded to Enver Pasha, who in
obedience thereto hastened to Berlin. He spent two
days in conference with General Moltke, the chief of the
German staff, but did not see the Emperor. It was
only much later that I heard anything about this incident,
which had a far greater significance than one could have
supposed at the time. I did not happen to be in Berlin
during the brief visit of Enver Pasha ; what I heard about
it, therefore, did not enlighten me as to the real nature
of the instructions which had been given. Later on
it was reported to me that, immediately after his return
to Constantinople, Enver Pasha began to make military
preparations. One significant action was that he had the
old forts that guarded the entrance of the Dardanelles
repaired and armed with German artillery. These pro-
ceedings did not escape the vigilant eyes of the ambassa-
dors of the Allied Powers, but it was impossible to
prevent them being carried out.

236 The Near East from Within

Whilst all this was going on, and the first battles in
France and in East Prussia were being fought, Turkey
preserved a quiet and unassuming attitude. So demure
she seemed that M. de Giers reported to his Government
that perhaps he might yet be mistaken in his fears that
she intended to begin hostilities against Russia. The
only person who saw quite clearly what was going to
happen, but who also was quite powerless to stop the
catastrophe, was the British Ambassador, Sir Louis
Mallet, who, as his despatches have revealed, gave proof
of the greatest foresight and political sagacity.

In the meantime Marshal — ^no longer General — Liman
von Sanders was drawing back into European Turkey the
numerous regiments that had been equipped and drilled
in the plains of Asia Minor, and carefully following with
his spies the movements of the Russian troops in the
Caucasus. When the greater number of those that were
quartered in that part of the country had been withdrawn,
he reported to head-quarters at Berlin that he was ready
for any emergency. Was it a coincidence or a definite
plot that Turkey should choose a few days after the
Marshal's report as the moment to bombard from her
ships several towns on the Caucasian littoral? It was
before war had been declared, and Turkey made excuses
for her act. It was whispered in Petersburg that she
had been encouraged by disaffection in the Caucasus,
where the Russian Government had uncovered a vast
conspiracy, but I was never able to confirm absolutely
the truth of this report

An Eye on the Suez Canal 237

Before Turkish vessels had opened fire on Russian
ships and bombarded peaceful towns such as Odessa or
Batoum there had been many important conferences
between Enver Pasha and the German Ambassador,
Baron von Wangenheim. The Baron told Enver Pasha
that Turkey could be promised no compensation or
reward in the Balkans ; anything in that direction would
be too productive of further trouble, as Roumania,
Austria, Servia, and Bulgaria all held strong views on
Balkan matters. There remained, therefore, only Egypt,
Algeria, and the Russian provinces forming part of the
Caucasus. Egypt especially was the one point upon
which both Germany and Enver Pasha, who with the
Committee of Union and Progress represented the only
party in the Ottoman Empire who had anything to say
as to its future destinies, could agree with alacrity.

It may sound dishonourable for one in my position
to say so, but the world will guess the truth ere long,
that Marshal Liman von Sanders had been given special
instructions regarding that part of the campaign which
aimed at the Suez Canal, and a number of German staff
officers had been put at his disposal for the purpose of
organising a raid on Egyptian territory at the first oppor-
tune moment. Meanwhile it was settled that, in the case
of a victorious war, the Khedive Abbas Hilmi was to
accept a half -Turkish, half-German garrison, and that
Egypt, though nominally still under the suzerainty of
the Sultan, was to be given a German administration and
to become to all purposes practically a German colony.

238 The Near East from Within

In exchange for this concession, Turkey was to receive
all the money that she, or rather Enver Pasha, required ;
he— Enver Pasha — was ultimately to become life governor
of Egypt, Abbas being retired into private life with a
handsome pension. Apart from this, Kars was to be
restored to Turkey, Algeria and some British provinces
of India were to become Turkish colonies, and Constanti-
nople was to be made a neutral city. Such were the
broad lines of the arrangement which was concluded.

I have given my thoughts at some length on this
Turkish episode, as it seems to me to be instructive from
more than one point of view, the most striking of which
is that it proves the absolute premeditation with which
the present war was prepared. If only from this exclu-
sive point of view, the action of the Emperor WiUiam II.
deserves to be considered with a particular attention,
because it is pregnant with consequences impossible to
foresee at present, but which may in time not inconceiv-
ably bring about the utter fall of the German Empire.

CHAPTER XXIII

EGYPT IN THE BALANCE

GERMAN designs received a distinct set-back when
the British Government, a few months ago, de-
posed Abbas Hilmi and elevated the Khedivial chair
into the throne of a Sultan. Hussein Kemal, on whom
the honoured position was conferred, is a man of con-
siderable culture, an ardent patriot, and a staunch
supporter of British rule. He is the second son of
the late Khedive Ismail, and uncle, therefore, to the
deposed Abbas Hilmi. Prince Hussein had been sus-
pected more than once, even in the lifetime of his
father and later on during the reign of his brother,
Tewfik Pasha, of having plotted with the idea of being
installed as ruler of Egypt. From what I know person-
ally of Prince Hussein, I do not believe he would have
lent himself to the overthrow of either his father or his
brother, but I have no doubt that he would have liked a
share in the administration of Egypt rather than being
kept studiously in the background, as was the case for
a considerable number of years. He was an honest man,
loved Egypt, and, to put it bluntly, was not such a fool
as to remain blind to all that Egypt had gained since

239

240 The Near East from Within

the British had estabUshed themselves in the land and
taken upon themselves the development of her huge
resources. More than once he had urged on his nephew
Abbas the necessity of remaining in accord with England.
The Khedive, however, was entirely under the influence
of Turkey and of his many German friends, and con-
tinued fatuously to dream of the overthrow of British
rule.

Despite the vehemence of his protestations of sym-
pathy with Enver Pasha, the Turkish leader had not the
slightest intention of upholding Abbas Hilmi beyond a
certain point. Mohammed V. simply did not count
either way. The only person who felt any affection for
Abbas, and who still supported him, was old Abdul
Hamid, whose heart he had managed to conquer and
to retain, and who, as I have told in an earlier chapter,
had supplied his protege with money on more than
one occasion. Abbas professed sound Moslem principles
and declared himself against the innovations brought
along by the party that had overthrown Abdul Hamid,
and the latter, therefore, felt grateful to him for it.
Abdul had done his best for Abbas Hilmi and often
advised him as to what he was to do, giving him the
benefit of his long experience in political matters.
Unfortunately, he did not find a docile pupil. Abbas
could not be honest even with the one man who had
befriended him, and he had simply flattered the old
Sultan because he hoped to inherit part of the large
fortune which he knew the latter had contrived to place

Abbas Hilmi in Constantinople 241

in safety beyond the reach of the cupidity of Enver
Pasha. He was a very shrewd young man in what con-
cerned his material interests, and showed more sagacity
in that respect than in poHtical matters. When he saw
that his position was no longer secure at Cairo he
managed to mortgage his estates up to the hilt, so as to
get out of them all that he could previous to the seques-
tration which he knew was unavoidable when the eyes
of England came to be opened in regard to his conduct.
When he left Cairo in the spring of 1914 on his annual
holiday to Constantinople, he took away with him nearly
the whole of the furniture of the Abdin Palace, having
rather more than a presentiment that he would not be
allowed to return.

Having little discretion, he had been foolish enough
more than once to tell his friends that he had managed
to get into the good graces and favour of the German
Emperor, and that he could rely on his protection should
any difficulties arise between him and the English
Agent, Lord Kitchener; and somehow, even before
the question of his deposition was ever raised, the impres-
sion had got round Cairo that his departure for his usual
hohdays meant a permanent absence.

When I wrote the lines in which I described the trend
of affairs toward a possible Turkish aggression on Suez, I
did not think that a bold stroke of English diplomacy
would have cut the Gordian knot of a situation that was
full of danger, by showing Abbas Hilmi that he must
pay the penalty of trying to be too clever. My last

Q

242 The Near East from Within

expectation was that the Cabinet in London would so
neatly checkmate the Emperor William II. and his
influence in Turkey.

What I wrote in the earlier pages of this book
when touching upon the subject of Germany's designs
on Egypt I can only repeat. I will maintain my cry
of warning, for I know that nothing has changed the
intentions of the Emperor. He is determined to lend
to weak, tottering Turkey and her unprincipled Govern-
ment all the aid possible, as he believes that Turkey alone,
by calling on the forces of Islam all over the world, can
shatter the foundations of the British Empire.

One of the main reasons why Germany has begun
this iniquitous war is that she must expand. Unfortun-
ately, she has not realised the secret of true colonial
government. Germany's idea, whether at home or
abroad, consists of a military organisation reinforced by
vexatious police espionage, and autocratic methods.
Militarism was introduced by Prince Bismarck, and the
weight of his powerful personality caused it to take deep
root into the whole country. But Prince Bismarck was a
genius, and he proved it by the manner in which he con-
ducted the two great wars through which Germany won
her unity. They were cruel but not ferocious wars ; they
were ruthless, but they did not disgrace civilisation, nor
did Germany blush beneath the reprobation of a shocked
and outraged world, as now she has cause to do.

To come back to the fate of the Khedive Abbas Hilmi.
This unfortunate victim of his own ambition and pre-

Abbas Hilmi in a Dilemma 243

sumption did not experience the dismay that mifjht have
been expected when he heard that he had been dis-
possessed of his throne. He had unbounded confidence
in the power of Turkey, backed by Germany, to reinstate
him, and he confided to his friends that he was not
altogether sorry at the turn that events had taken, because
they would give him the right, when he was back again
at Cairo, to get rid of his troublesome uncle, Prince
Hussein, whose usurpation had been sanctioned by his
enemy England. He fully believed himself to be a
martyr, and the German and Austrian Cabinets declared
that he had been the victim of his honesty.

In Constantinople his conduct was warmly approved,
and he was represented to the population as one who
suffered for the cause of Islam. Nevertheless, when he
wanted to settle permanently — or at least until the dawn
of better days — in his palace at Constantinople, he was
politely told that his presence there might become a
source of embarrassment to the Turkish Government.
He was offered the choice of two alternatives : to accept
the command of the Turkish corps destined to march
against Suez, or else to travel abroad. Abbas had no
intention whatsoever of exposing himself to the dangers
of an expedition, though he w^as fond of saying that he
was ready to shed the last drop of his blood for the sake
of the sacred principles of Islam.

The ex-Khedive then decided that it would be best
to go to Vienna, where he received a warm welcome from
Count Berchtold and also from the old Emperor. He

244 The Near East from Within

was also made much of by Viennese Society. But when
it came to going to BerHn it was hinted to Abbas at the
German Embassy in Vienna that, the Emperor not being
in his capital, his visit had better be postponed. When
the ex-Khedive offered to visit William II. at his head-
quarters in the field — where already two Turkish princes,
nephews of the Sultan, had been affably received — he
was again discomfited.

The fact was that the Emperor William was perfectly
well aware that the ex-Khedive would not hesitate to act
toward Germany as he had to England, and, furthermore.
Abbas now possessed absolutely no personal influence over
pubhc opinion in Egypt. The ex-Khedive, finding him-
self repulsed by the very person whose advice he had been
following blindly, wandered in the south of Germany and
the north of Italy. Meanwhile he wrote to Enver Pasha
to know what he was to do. Enver Pasha told him to
return to Constantinople.

Such is the situation as it presents itself at the moment
of writing so far as Turkey, the Balkans, and the region
of the Nile are concerned. I will not mention the various
intrigues that are steadily going on in Algeria, Morocco,
India, and wherever Islam is the prevailing faith. In the
great struggle the German Emperor has not neglected
one single chance nor hesitated to adopt any means, so
long as his plans were forwarded. Among the dupes
whom he has made to suffer the ex-Khedive Abbas Hilmi
occupies a foremost place ; it is not at all unlikely that
the next will be Enver Pasha.

An Unburdened Soul 245

My work is done. I have tried to put down in this
book all that I know and much that I suspect concern-
ing the great events which are shaking the whole world
at the moment I write.

I shall not be forgiven for having revealed what I
learned on the subject of this vast conspiracy, but at
least I have the comfort of an unburdened soul.

INDEX

Abbas Hilmi, Khedive, 26, 106 et seq.

and Abdul Hamid, 26, 110, 240

and Enver Pasha, 113

Austria's views of his deposition,

243

deposition of, 239, 243

general mistrust of, 113

German sympathy at his deposi-
tion, 243

Germany's conditions to, 237, 238

repulsed by William II., 244

Abdul Hamid, Sultan, 1 et seq.

, an interview with the German

Emperor, 5-G, 8

and Abbas Hilmi, 26, 108 et seq.,

240

and his brother Mehmed R6chad

(afterwards Mohammed V.). 25, 39,
41

and his sister M6diha Sultane, 41

et seq.

and the howling dervishes of

Constantinople, 101

and Turkey's part in the Great

War, 26

as politician, 3

, author's impressions of, 2

, Baron von Bieberstein and, 9

, Baron von Wangenheim and, 67

degrades Enver Bey, 22

, deposition of, 24, 33-4, 44

, Eastern fatalism of, 24

frustrates an alliance with Ger-
many, 93

his fear of assassination, 8, 23

his immense wealth, 23, 24, 25,

240

, his love of money, 11, 23

, strained relations with William

II., 43
, the German sympathies of, 26

Abdul Hamid, the Imperial harem of,

11
Adrianople, Turkey and, 45, 46, 60, 77,

184, 231, 232
Albania, 230

Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, 16
Alexander, King of Servia, 163 et seq.,

179

and his mother, 159 et seq.

assumes conduct of Government,

165

meets Madame Maschin, 167

murder of, 146, 162-2, 170, 173

Alexander, Prince of Battenberg, 214,

216
Alexander III., Tsar, 155, 158, 216

and Nicholas I. of Montenegro,

203

and the ruler of Bulgaria, 216,

220

, death of, 221, 223

Armenians, the, and Russia, 84
Ars^ne Karageorgevitch, Prince, 174
Asia Minor, threatened Russian inva-
sion of, 9
Athens, the Court life at, 197
Austria annexes Bosnia and Herzego-
vina, 91, 131, 149, 208
Austria, Emperor Francis Joseph of,

91, 145, 220, 243
Austrian envoy, the, and Queen Draga»

171
Austria's attitude in the Bulgarian-
Servian War, 182

B

Bagdad Railway, the, conceded to

the Germans, 9
Baksheesh, 24, 35, 52, 75
Balkan crisis, the, 116

problem, the, and Germany, 194

wars, the, 37, 45, 57, 68, 213, 231

247

248

Index

Balkans, the, Russian policy in, 132
Batoum, bombardment of, by Turks,

237
Battenberg, Prince Alexander of, 214,

216

, Prince Francis Joseph of, 205

, Prince Henry of, 205

Beatrice, Princess, marriage of, 205
Belgrade, the Archbishop of, 157
Berchtold, Count, 133, 149
, welcomes Abbas Hilmi in Vienna,

243
Berlin Congress, the, 62

Court, the, and the Quirinal, 206

, the Tsar's visit to, 115

Beylerbey, Abdul Hamid at, 26, 48
Bieberstein, Baron Marschall von, 5, 9,

81

, an Imperial recommendation of

Enver Bey, 55

and Abdul Hamid, 9 et seq.

and Enver Bey, 21, 55

and King Ferdinand of Bulgaria,

91-2

and the howling dervishes of

Constantinople, 100 et seq.

and the plot against Mddiha

Sultane, 43-4

and the Young Turk party, 43

, appointed to Constantinople, 17,

89, 111
, appointed to the Embassy in

London, 46, 93

, death of, 46, 93

, description of, 93

, his intimate relations with Abbas

Hilmi, 111
, his relations with the Sheikh-ul-

Islam, 100
, his successor at the Sublime

Porte, 67

, secret allies of, 10 et seq.

, the confidant of William H.,

9-10

warns Abdul Hamid of a con-
spiracy, 23

Bismarck, Prince, and German mili-
tarism, 242

and the King of Roumanla, 124,

128 et seq.

Bismarck and the question of a Rou-
manian monarchy, 124, 128 et seq.

, dismissal of, 129

, his contempt for the Turk, 87

Bompard, M. Louis, 95-7

Boris, Crown Prince, the re-baptism of,
222 et seq.

Bosnia, annexation of, 91, 131, 149, 208

Bouillon, Godfrey de, the Kaiser and,
73

Bourbon-Parme, Princess Marie Louise
of, 218

British Government, the, and the
German mission to Constantinople,
234

depose Abbas Hilmi, 239

Brunswick, the Duke of, 115, 133
Bucharest, author's impressions of, 136

et seq.

, peace signed at, 59, 183

, the Treaty of, 123, 138, 213

Bulgaria and Adrianople, 45, 46

and Turkey, 64

Bulgaria, Crown Prince Boris of, 222

et seq.
Bulgaria, King Ferdinand of, 58, 64, 67,

91, 116, 119, 213 et seq.

, the Jesuits in, 65

, war with Servia and Greece, 182

Bulgarian atrocities, the, 99
Byzantium. (C/. Constantinople).

Carmen Sylva. (C/. Elizabeth, Queen

of Roumania)
Carol, King of Roumania, 116, 123 et

seq.
, a field-marshal in the Russian

army, 132

, a letter from William IL, 134

, advises the Kaiser to take a

" soothing mixture," 144

, and Bismarck, 124, 128 et seq.

, and WilUam H., 129 et seq.

, author visits, 140 et seq.

, death of, 125, 135

, his efforts to avoid the Great

War, 134

, his financial genius, 125

, speaks his mind, 142 et seq.

Index

249

Cetinje, author's visit to, 207 et seq.
Charles of HolienzoUcrn, Prince. (C/.

Carol, King of Rouuiania)
Christians in Turkey, Russia and the,

62 et seq.
— — , William II. and the, 66
Church of Rome, the, 63, 65, 222 et seq.
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the,

WilUam II. visits, 73-4
Clementine, Princess of Orleans, 214

and her son, Prince Ferdinand,

214 et seq.

and the German Emperor, 220

, death of, 219, 229

, her religious instincts and ideals,

65, 214-15, 219, 221, 222 et seq.

, the virtual ruler of Bulgaria, 218,

229

Committee of Union and Progress, the,
21, 232, 233. (C/. also Enver Bey
and Young Turk Party)

Constantin, Prince, becomes King of
the Hellenes, 198

, held responsible for defeat of

Greek army, 196

, his education, 194, 196

, marries Princess Sophie, 195

, strained relations with his father,

196

Constantinople, Abbas Hilmi's depar-
ture from, 243

, ambassadors at, 17, 86 et seq.

, espionage in, 56

, German influence in, 80

, German military missions to, 13,

14, 45, 47, 61, 78, 158

, intrigue in, 35 et passim

, life in, 28 et seq,

, ministers attacked in the streets,

58

, Russian influence in, 62 et seq.

, Society in, 29 et seq.

, the dancing and howling der-
vishes of, 100-1

, the Diplomatic Corps in, 32

, the Greek Orthodox Church in,

63

, the Greek Patriarch of, 65, 222,

225

, the Roman Qiurch in, 63

Constantinople, the old walls erected
by jQstinian, 33

, the social life of the European

colony in, 34

, William II.'s journey to, 88

Conti, Count, Italian Ambassador at
Constantinople, 11

Cromer, Lady, 109

Cromer, Lord, the English Agent-
General in Egypt, 106 et seq.

D

Damad FfiRiD Pasha Bouchati, 42

Damad Nedjib, Pasha, 41-2

Dancing dervishes of Constantinople,
the, 100

Danilo, Crown Prince, 202

Dardanelles forts, the, Enver Pasha's
activities, 235

De Giers, M., 64, 67, 96, 233, 236

, and the Prusso-Turkish alliance,

68

, his ideas of Moslem friendship,

69

, opposes appointment of General

von Sanders, 69

Denmark, the King and Queen of, 197

Diplomatists at the Sublime Porte, 86
et seq.

Draga, Queen, an anonymous letter to,
172

J an emissary from the Kaiser, 169

, appointed lady-in-waiting to ex-
Queen Natalie, 167

, divorced from her first husband,

167

, marries the young King Alex-
ander, 168 et seq.

, murder of, 146, 170, 173

E

Egypt, Abbas Hilmi, Khedive of, 26,
106, 110, 113, 237, 238, 239, 240, 243,
244

, Germany's designs on, 242

, her future — if Germany vic-
torious, 237-8

, Lord Cromer in, 106 et seq.

, Lord Kitchener appointed Agent

in, 110, 111, 241

250

Index

Egypt, Sir Eldon Gorst and, 110

, Sultan Hussein Kemal, 239

, Turkish plans for attack of, 237

Elizabeth, Queen of Roumania, 140 et

seq.

, death of her only child, 140

, her personality, 140

, King Carol's admiration for, 141

England and the Suez Canal, 107, 112,

114. (C/. Suez Canal)
, her apathy to Teutonic influence

in Turkey, 14
Enver Bey (afterwards Pasha), 38, 49,

50, 113, 181, 232, 233
, a ciphered message from the

Kaiser to, 235
— ■ — , a flying visit to Berlin, 84
, a letter of recommendation from

the German Emperor, 55
, a note to author, 85

and the Turco-Slav war, 77

confers with Baron von Wagen-

heim, 237

, his activities in the DardaneUes,

235

, his conspiracy against Abdul

Hamid, 22, 55, 56

, his faith in the Turkish army, 57

, his feminine conquests in Stam-

boul, 56

, his grudge against Russia, 59

, his opinion of the Turkish army,

53

, Marshal von Sanders* co-opera-
tion with, 79

on Abdul Hamid, 52, 53, 54

offers his services to the Kaiser, 59

, poUtical importance of, 51

re-organises the Turkish army, 59

, Turkish military attache at

Berlin, 51

, von Bieberstein and, 21

, William II. and, 38, 55, 61

(C/. also Young Turk Party)

Essad Eflendi. (C/. Sheikh-ul- Islam)
Euxinograd, the Palace of, 216

Ferdinand, King of Bulgaria, 58, 64,
91, 116, 119, 213 et seq.

Ferdinand, King, a reconciliation with
Mohammed V., 67

, and the invasion of Servia, 83

, and the Jesuits, 65

, and the reunion of the National

Bulgarian Church with Rome, 223
, election of, as Prince of Bulgaria,

215
, his desire to be Emperor of a

Christian Turkey, 58, 64-5, 66, 219
, interview with the Emperor

Francis Joseph, 220

, intrigues against, 217

, marries Princess Marie Louise,

218
, re-organises the Bulgarian army

on German lines, 229

, visits the Tsar, 227, 228

Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, 157, 176

France and Turkey, 14 et seq.

Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 91

, and his heir-presumptive, 145

, interview with Prince Ferdinand

of Bulgaria, 220
, receives Abbas Hilmi after bis

deposition, 243
Francis Joseph, Prince of Battenberg,

205
Franco-Russian agreement, the, 17, 76
Franz Ferdinand, Archduke, 92

, a morganatic marriage, 147

at Windsor Castle, 148, 149

, his friendship with King Ferdi-
nand of Bulgaria, 145

, murder of, 151, 162, 235

, strained relations with William

II., 146
, visited by the Kaiser, 122, 145

et seq.
Frederick, Archduke, 146
Frederick III., Emperor, 123

, death of, 195

, marriage of his daughter, 195

Frederick, Empress, 195, 196

Garroni, Marquis, 98

George, Crown Prince of Servia, 177-8

, his succession renounced, 181

George, Duke of Leuchtenberg, 204

Index

251

George, King of Greece, assassination

of, 132, 182, 198, 199

, his nationality, 194

George V., King, visits Berlin, 116, 117
German Crown Prince, the, 142, 144,

191
German Emperor, the. (C/. William

II.)
German ex-detective, a, head of the

Sultan's secret service, 8
German financial circles and Turkey, 76

intrigues in Turkey, 237 ei passim

militarism, Bismarck the founder

of, 242

, M. Hartwig's opinions on,

188

military missions to Turkey, 13,

14, 45, 47, 61, 78, 158, 233, 234

overtures in the Near East : an

intercepted document, 81

prestige in the Near East, 72 et

seq.

Germany, a factor in Turkish politics,

13
, an alliance with Turkey, 81, 82

and the annihilation of Russian

influence in the Near East, 176

and the Bagdad Railway, 9

and the Balkan problem, 194

and the Suez Canal, 107, 111-112,

114, 119, 120, 133, 148, 190, 237

desires alliance with Turkey, 8

, her exports to Turkey, 80

, interference in internal affairs of

Turkey, 233

, treaty with Turkey, 26, 92

Ghika, Prince, 161

Ghika, Princess, 161, 165, 167

Goltz, Marshal von der, remodels the

Ottoman army, 13, 45, 47, 78, 87, 234
Gorst, Sir Eldon, 110
Gortschakov, Prince, 87
Great War, the, Germany's main reason

for, 242

, its cause, 151

, the first battles, 236

Greco-Turkish War, the, 195
Greece, 176

and Bulgaria, 64

and German diplomacy, 193

Greece and Turkey, 64

, rival influences in, 193 el seq.

, the war with Turkey, 14

Greek Christians, the. Count Ignatieff

and, 63-4
Greek Orthodox Church, the, 65, 222

et seq.
Guentchitch, M., 67, 177, 182

H

Hartwiq, M., Russian Minister in Bel-
grade, 183, 185 et seq.

, death of, 191

, his biie-noire, 185

, his character study of William

II., 186-7

H616ne, Princess, marriage of, 205

Henry, Prince of Battenberg, mar-
riage of, 205

Herzegovina, annexation of, 91, 131,
149, 208

Hohenberg, the Duchess of, 122, 145,
146, 150

, at Windsor Castle, 148, 149

, marries Archduke Franz Fer-
dinand, 147

, murder of, 151, 162

, William II. and, 147 et seq.

Howling dervishes of Constantinople,
the, 100

, Abdul Hamid and, 101

, Bieberstein and, 100 et seq.

Humbert, King of Italy, 205

Hussein Kemal, Sultan, 239

I

Ignatieff, Count, 38, 63-4

Isabella, Archduchess, 146

Islamism, 100 et seq.

Ismail, Khedive, 239

Italian Royal Family, the, relations

with the Vatican, 205
Italy, King Victor Emmanuel of, 205,

206
Italy, the Queen of, 205

Jeltsch, Baron Saurma de, 89
Jerusalem, the Kaiser's cool request, 74
, the Kaiser's visit to, 73

252

Index

Jesuits, the, 65, 147, 214, 219, 221, 222,

225
Justinian, Byzantian walls of, 33
Jutta, Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz,

202

K

Karageorgevitch dynasty, the, 152,

174 et seq.
Kiel, the British squadron at, 234, 235
Kitchener, Lord, 110, 111, 241
Konopischt, the German Emperor at,

145 et seq.

L

Latin and Greek Churches, the ques-
tion of reunion of, 222 et seq.

Ledochowski, Cardinal, 225

Leo XIIL, Pope, 224-5

Lichnowsky, Prince (German Am-
bassador in London), 46, 232

Livadia, the Tsar visits, 69

Lobanofl, Prince, 64, 223

M

Majoresco, M. T., 138, 139
Mallet, Sir Louis, 97, 236
Margherita, Queen of Italy, 205
Marie Louise, Princess of Bourbon-

Parme, 218, 224, 228
, and the re-baptism of her son,

Prince Boris, 224-5

, death of, 228

Mary, Queen, at the wedding of the

Duke and Duchess of Brunswick, 115
Maschin, Colonel, 167
Maschin, Madame Draga. (C/. Draga,

Queen)
Mecklenburg-Strelitz, the Duchess of,

202
M6diha Sultane, Princess, 41, 42

, Enver Bey and, 56

Mehmed R6chad Khan. (C/. Moham-
med v.. Sultan)
Metternich, Count, 46
Milan, King of Servla, 146, 152

, abdication of, 158

, and the marriage of his son

Alexander, 168
, as intermediary for Germany,

158

Milan, King of Servia, divorces Queen

Natalie, 157
, interview with his son King

Alexander, 165
, reorganises the army on German

methods, 157
, reunited to Queen Natalie, 159,

164
, unhappy domestic relations of,

153 et seq.
Mohammed V., Sultan, 37 et seq.
, Abdul Hamid and, 26

and Enver Bey, 46

and his sister, M6diha Sultane, 41

et seq., 46

and the Moslems, 100

and William IL, 47

, appearance of, 38

, author's conception of his per-
sonality, 49

, election of, 25

, his Grand Vizier assassinated, 46

, his relations with his brother,

Abdul Hamid, 25, 39, 41

proclaims a Holy War, 104

, reconciliation with King Fer-
dinand, 67

reviews regiments off to the front,

46

visits the deposed Abdul Hamid,

41, 49

Moltke, General, 158, 235
Montebello, Count de, French Ambas-
sador at Petrograd, 15
Montenegro, 176
— — , a subsidy from the Tsar, 204

becomes a kingdom, 211

declares war on Germany, 212

, King Nicholas of, 201 et seq.

, the failure of German intrigue in,

201

, union of people and ruler in, 207

, wars with Turkey, 203

Moors, the, William H. and, 75
Morocco, William H. at, 74

N

Naples, Prince of. (C/. Victor Em-
manuel)
Natalie, Queen of Servia, 153 et seq.

Index

253

Natalie, Queen of Servia, and her son,
159 el seq.

, Belgrade's enthusiastic welcome

to, 159

, divorced from King Milan, 157

, her son kidnapped, 155

ineffectually opposes her son's

marriage, 168

, reconciliation with King Milan,

159, 164
National Bulgarian Church, the, 222,

223
Nazli, Princess, 109
Nelidoff, M., 64
Nicholas I., King of Montenegro, 201

, author received by, 207

, his connection with Russia, 202

, his daughters, 204, 205

, his influence over the Slav races,

201 et seq.
, the opinion of the Tsar Alex-
ander III. regarding, 203

, visits WilUam II., 211

Nicholas I., Tsar of Russia, and the

mutiny of 1848, 157
Nicholas II., Tsar of Russia, 66, 67

, a holograph letter from the

Kaiser, 117 et seq.

, accession of, 221

, and King Carol of Roumania, 132

, and the German Emperor, 115 e/

seq.

, and the re-baptism of Prince

Boris, 223 et seq.
, convinced of the pacific dis-
positions of the Kaiser, 234

, his reply to the Kaiser, 120

et seq.

, suggests arbitration in the

Balkan crisis, 121

, visits Constanza, 134

Nicolaievitch, Grand Duke Peter, 204
Nobel Prize, the, 187
Nubar Pasha, 107

O

Obrenovitch dynasty, the, 152
Odessa, Turkish bombardment of, 237
Olga, Grand Duchess, 133, 134
Olga, Queen of Greece, 195, 198

Pallavicini, Margrave, 94

Parnic, the exiled Duke of, 218

Pashitch, M., 67, 154, 160, 161, 170 et
seq., 176-7, 178, 179, 181, 182

Pera, 2, 3, 28, et seq. (C/. Constanti-
nople)

Perotes, the, 28 et seq.

Peter Karageorgevitch, Prince, 171

, elected king, 173

, marriage of his daughter, 181

, proclamation of, 175

, Servia under his rule, 174 et seq.

Petersburg, {See Petrograd)
Petrograd, 62

, King Nicholas's frequent visits

to, 204, 205

, the British Fleet entertained at,

235

, the French ambassador at, 15

, the Holy Synod in, 222

Pourtal^s, Count, 117, 233
Prussia, the military party in, 142

Q

QuiRiNAL, the, 206

R

Radolin, Prince, 227

Radoslavoff, M., 215

Radowitz, Baron, German ambassador
at Constantinople, 87-89

, transferred to Madrid, 89

Radowitz, Baroness, 88

Roman Church, the, 65

, and the question of the Bul-
garian Church, 222 et seq.

Rome, Pope Leo XIII., 224-5

Roon, Field-Marshal, 158

Roumania, 176

and Russia, 130 et seq.

, Crown Prince Ferdinand of, 136

et seq.

, German intrigue against, 133 et

passim

, King Carol of, 116, 123 e/ seq.

, Queen Ehzabeth of, 140 et seq.

, the Crown Princess of, 136, 138

Russia, a secret understanding with
Servia, 67, 183

254

Index

Russia, Alexander III., Tsar of, 155,

158, 203, 216, 220, 221, 223
Russia and Christianity, 66

and Germany, 15 ei passim

and Roumanian 130 et seq.

and Servia, 153 et seq.

as absolute mistress of the Black

Sea, 118, 119

, Enver Bey and, 59

, Nicholas I., Tsar of, 157, 211

, Nicholas II., Tsar of, 66, 67, 115,

117, 120, 121, 132, 134, 221, 223 el
seq.

, the traditional enemy of Turlicy,

50
Russian Government warned of Ger-
man intrigues in Turkey, 19

influence in Constantinople, 62 et

seq.

support for Servia, 67

Russo-Roumanian alliance, failure of

the, 134

Sadowa, the battle of, 124

St. Sophia, the Cathedral of, an ancient
prophecy regarding, 197

Salonika, Abdul Hamid, imprisoned at,
24, 25, 26

, King George of Greece assas-
sinated at, 132, 182, 198, 199

Sanders, General (afterwards Marshal)
Liman von, 26, 47, 61, 69, 233, 234,
236

, his audience with the Kaiser, 78

, his part in the Great War, 237

, personality of, 78

San Stefano, the Peace of, 64

Sarajevo, the tragedy of, 151, 235

Sazonov, M., 135, 192, 233

Sch6b6ko, M., 131, 132

Scutari, fall of, 211

Secret agents, a prince of, 8

police in Turkey, 7

Selamlik, the ceremony of the, 1
Serb, an astute, 19

Servia, an understanding with Russia,
67, 183

and Germany, 176

and Russia, 153 et seq.

Servia, Crown Prince George, 177-8,

181

, imprisonment of Ministers in, 159

, in the 'Eighties, 152 et seq.

, invasion of, suggested by the

Kaiser, 83

, King Alexander of, 158 et seq.

, KingMilanof, 146, 152, 153,157,

158, 164, 165, 168

, Queen Natalie of, 153 el seq.

, under King Peter, 174 et seq.

Servian army remodelled on German

lines, 157

army remodelled on Russian

methods, 158

Sheikh-ul- Islam, the, 51, 99 et seq., 102
et seq.

and William II., 103

, his attitude at the commence-
ment of the Great War, 103

, his dislike of Abdul Hamid, 102

Slav races, the influence of King

Nicholas over, 201 et seq.
Smolna, the Convent of, 204
Sofia, the Archbishop of, 225, 227

, a message from the Pope, 225-6

Sophie, Princess (now Queen of Greece),

176, 195
Stamboul, author's visit to, and his
conclusions, 48

, loss of Russian prestige in, 62 et

seq.
StamboulofI, M., 215, 217

, murder of, 218

Suez, Turkish aggression on, 241
Suez Canal, the, German designs on,
107, 111-12, 114, 119, 120, 133, 148,
190, 237

T

Tewfik Pasha, 106 ei seq., 239
Triple Alliance, the, Servia and, 156

, Turkey and, 92

Triple Entente, the, 131-2
Turkey, a change for the better, 37

, an alliance with Germany, 81, 82

, an ex-German detective in Abdul

Hamid's household, 8

and the Balkans, 237

and the Great War, 230 et seq.

Index

255

Turkey at war with Montenegro, 203

, bribery and corruption in, 24,

35, 52

declares war against the Allies, 26

, German financial circles and, 76

, German military missions to, 13^

14, 45, 47, 61, 78, 158, 233, 234

, loss of French prestige in, 15

■ , morality in, 35

, secret reorganisation of, 20

, Sultan of, his mission to greet

the Tsar, 69

, Sultans of. (C/. Abdul Hamid

and Mohammed V.)

, treaty with Germany, 26, 92

, war with Greece, 14

, war with Servia and Bulgaria, 99

Turkish army, the, remodelled on Ger-
man lines, 13, 45, 47, 61, 78, 158,
233, 234

politics under Mohammed V., 26

ships bombard the Caucasian lit-
toral, 236

Turks, their political faith, 99 et seq.
, their tolerance in religious mat-
ters, 99

Vatican, the, and the Italian Royal

Family, 205
Venizelos, M., 213

Victor Emmanuel, King of Italy, 206
and an alliance between Germany

and Montenegro, 206

, wedding of, 205

Victor Emmanuel. ( Cf. Naples, Prince

of.)
Victoria, Empress, wife of Frederick

III. (See Frederick, Empress,)
Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and

Ireland, 205 1
Villebois, Dr. van der Does de, 98

W

Wangenheim, Baron von, 67, 93-4,

97

, confers with Enver Pasha, 237

Warrender, Admiral Sir George, 234
Wied, Princess Elisabeth of. (Cf.

Elizabeth of Roumania.)

William II., German Emperor, a holo-
graph letter to the Tsar, 117 cf scq.

, a quarrel with his sister, Princess

Sophie, 195

, accession of, 87

, an indiscreet speech by, 75

, an interview with Abdul Hamid,

5-6, 8

, and Abdul Hamid, 43

, and Baron von Bieberstcin, 9 et

seq.

and Enver Bey, 38, 55, 61
, and King Alexander of Servia,

166
, and King Carol of Roumania, 129

et seq.

, and King Milan of Servia, 156

, and Mohammed V., 47

, and Moslem Egypt, 106 et seq.

and the Christian communities

of Constantinople, 66

and the deposition of Abdul

Hamid, 22

, and the Duchess of Hohenberg,

147 et seq.
, and the ex-Khedive Abbas

Hilmi, 244
, and the German Crown Prince,

142, 144, 191
, and the inevitability of war with

Russia, 76
, and the marriage of the Prince of

Naples, 205-6

, and the second Balkan War, 67

, and the Tsar of Russia, 115 et

seq.

, and the welfare of the Turk, 9

, and the Young Turk party, 18

, at Konopischt, 145 et seq.

, at Morocco, 75

— , desires the cession to Germany

of Jerusalem, 74

, his beUef in Turkey, 242

, his charges against England, 118

et seq.
- — , his hatred of Lord Cromer, 108

, his intense patriotism, 75

— , his opinion of Abdul Hamid, 16
— , his regret at fall of Adrianople,

77

256

Index

William II., German Emperor, his
relations witli his son, 142, 144

, his relationship with the reign-
ing house of Greece, 194

, holograph letters to Abdul

Hamid, 13, 18

, invites a British squadron to

Kiel, 235

, relations with King Ferdinand, 92

, snubbed by Tsar Alexander III.,

220-1

, suggests invasion of Servian ter-
ritory, 83

, the keeper of Abdul Hamid's

private purse, 24-5

, the real ruler of Turkey, 26

, visits Norway, 235

, vlsits'^the Holy Land, 73

"William II., German Emperor, visits

the Sultan, 66
"Women, emancipation of, 7, 41, 42

YiLDiz Kiosk, 1, 7, 8

, German secret aUies in, 10

Young Turk party, the, 7, 20, 38

, Abdul Hamid and, 20-1

, depose and imprison Abdul

Hamid, 24, 25

, the leader of. ( Cf. Enver Bey)

, William II. and, 18

, von Bieberstein and, 43

ZicHY, Count Eugene, 156, 157, 165-6
Zinovieff, M., 64

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